July 29, 2026

Parliament is speaking GenZ NEW DELHI: “The Leader of the Opposition had gone ‘MIA’. ‘FOMO’ perhaps explains why he eventually went and sat outside the Prime Minister’s residence.” These are the words of 69-year old Union minister Jitendra SIngh, who was addressing the Lok Sabha on Wednesday.Until recently, these words belonged to Instagram comment sections, meme pages, K-pop fan communities and WhatsApp chats. This week, however, they echoed through the halls of Parliament. Watch ‘Students Want Justice, Not Charity’: Priyanka Gandhi’s Explosive Speech On Paper Leaks Rocks LSDuring the Monsoon session, MPs infused their speeches with Gen Z slang and internet catchphrases while taking on political rivals, discussing governance and framing arguments around issues ranging from education to development.BJP MP Bansuri Swaraj, while defending the Centre’s policies, urged the Opposition to “clock it” — a Gen Z phrase meaning to recognise or acknowledge something. “Where Congress created a policy vacuum, Modi clocked it, if I may borrow the language of Gen Z, and created a solution. All the Opposition did was chase political opportunism,” she said, explicitly acknowledging that she was borrowing from the vocabulary of younger generations.BJP’s Tejasvi Surya reached for another popular internet expression, calling the Opposition “delulu” — shorthand for “delusional” — suggesting its criticism of the government was detached from reality.Not to be left behind, Congress MP Deepender Hooda, during debate on anti-paper leak in Lok Sabha, slipped in ‘Kuchu Puchu’ and viral internet catchphrase “Vasteguna Huiya” in a swipe at Centre. “Aaj mera birthday hai toh please kuchu-puchu isteefa de do naaa (Today is my birthday, so please resign cutie pie),” he remarked, giving example of slogans at the recent student protests.Meanwhile, Shiv Sena MP Shrikant Eknath Shinde labelled the Opposition as suffering from “FOMO” — the “Fear of Missing Out” — and even described it as “MIA” (Missing in Action), implying that the Opposition was scrambling to remain politically relevant after missing key opportunities.It was an unusual moment.As Hooda put it, the GenZ with Bhagat Singh’s slogan of ‘Inquilab Zindabad’, turned it into ‘Vastaguna huiya’ when they protested against the government.Parliament, traditionally associated with constitutional language, Hindi idioms and literary references, suddenly sounded like an Instagram comment thread.What these words mean and where they come fromThe internet has a way of making words travel across continents, cultures and generations. Many expressions that now dominate Gen Z conversations were born in niche online communities long before they entered mainstream discourse.Clock ItUnlike many internet expressions, “clock it” has a much older cultural lineage. The phrase traces its roots to African-American and LGBTQ+ ballroom culture in the United States, where “to clock” someone meant to notice, identify or call out something—often a flaw or inconsistency.Popularised through drag culture and shows such as RuPaul’s Drag Race, the expression later migrated to TikTok and Instagram, where Gen Z adopted it to mean “spot the truth” or “call it as it is”.Vasteguna Huiya The phrase traces its roots to the viral meme “Can I get a Hoya?”, in which a teenager shouted the line in an exaggerated tone. In India, content creators gave the meme a local twist by replacing the original phrase with the nonsensical-sounding “Vasteguna Huiya”.The humour lay not in the words themselves—they have no literal meaning—but in the confused reactions they elicited. From there, the phrase spread rapidly across Instagram memes, reels and comment sections before making its way into the CJP student protests. Kuchu Puchu”Kuchu Puchu” does not have a single, traceable origin like “delulu” or “FOMO”. Instead, it evolved organically from baby talk, a simplified, affectionate style of speech used by parents, grandparents and couples across many Indian languages.The phrase is believed to be a playful variation of words like “kuchi kuchi,” “guchu puchu,” “kuchi poo,” and similar rhyming expressions that mimic the sounds babies make. Such reduplicative words are common in Hindi, Bengali, Tamil and several other Indian languages, where they are used as terms of endearment for children, pets or romantic partners.In recent years, “kuchu puchu” was revived and popularised by Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts and meme pages, where it took on a new, often sarcastic meaning. Calling someone “kuchu puchu” can imply that they are overly pampered, babied, innocent or treated with excessive affection.Its popularity surged during the CJP-led student protests, where protesters and social media users used “kuchu puchu” satirically to poke fun at political leaders and institutions.FOMOUnlike most Gen Z slang, FOMO predates social media. The acronym, standing for “Fear of Missing Out”, entered popular vocabulary in the early 2000s as psychologists and marketers described the anxiety people felt when they believed others were enjoying experiences they were not part of.Instagram amplified the phenomenon, turning FOMO into one of the defining emotions of the social media age. Today, the term is used far beyond personal life—to describe everything from investment trends to political strategy.MIAOriginally a military abbreviation for “Missing in Action”, MIA has been repurposed by internet users to describe people who suddenly disappear from conversations, social media or public life.DeluluPerhaps the most recognisable Gen Z word today, “delulu” is a shortened version of “delusional”. It first gained popularity within K-pop fandoms, where devoted fans jokingly described unrealistic fantasies—such as believing their favourite idol secretly loved them—as being “delulu”.Over time, the term evolved beyond fandom culture to describe anyone perceived as wildly optimistic or disconnected from reality. Today, it has become a staple of political banter, where opponents routinely accuse each other of being “delulu”.Why Gen Z language mattersThe timing of Parliament’s linguistic makeover is not accidental.The recent protests spearheaded by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) over NEET examination paper leaks were organised as much on Instagram and X as they were on the streets. Protesters used memes, short-form videos, viral hashtags and internet humour to mobilise students and simplify complex issues around examination reforms.For many young Indians, politics is now consumed through Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts and meme pages rather than lengthy parliamentary speeches or television debates. Viral clips often carry more influence than hour-long discussions.Taking notice of the same after massive protests, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also advised his Cabinet to engage with the youth on Instagram through reels and interactive sessions. “Young people are just on Instagram. This is a potential segment of citizens that we all need to connect with,” he said.India’s demographic profile makes this shift even more significant. With one of the world’s youngest populations and millions of first-time voters entering the electorate every election cycle, speaking the language of youth has become a political strategy as much as a communication style. Parliament has always borrowed popular languageAlthough Gen Z slangs in Parliament may sound dramatic, Parliament has always reflected the language of its times.In the early decades after Independence, speeches frequently quoted verses from the Bhagavad Gita, couplets by poets like Mirza Ghalib, Allama Iqbal. Hindi literary works were seen as a mark of oratorical skill.Long before MPs began saying “delulu” or “clock it”, Parliament had embraced the language of popular culture. Bollywood dialogues have long been used to simplify political arguments, inject humour and produce memorable sound bites.Rahul Gandhi’s dig at GST by calling it “Gabbar Singh Tax” transformed a complex debate on GST into a phrase instantly understood across India, while Prime Minister Narendra Modi invoked the character “Mausi” from the Sholay to mock the Congress party during his address in Parliament on July 2, 2024. He teased the opposition over their electoral defeat by mimicking a dialogue: “Arey Mausi, teesri baar toh haare hain, par moral victory toh hai na!” (Oh Mausi, we have lost for the third time too, but it’s a moral victory, right?). Watch 'Arre Mausi Hero Toh…': PM Modi Turns To 'Sholay' To Target Rahul Gandhi In Lok SabhaIn another instance, BJP MP Kangana Ranaut brought DDLJ’s iconic dialogue ‘Ja Simran, jeele apni zindagi’ to life while addressing women’s reservation bill in Lok Sabha. Watch Kangana Ranaut quotes DDLJ’s iconic line in Parliament, sparks heated debate on women’s bill rowCricket metaphors soon followed, with terms like “hitting a six”, “playing on the back foot” or being “clean bowled” by the Opposition. Finance ministers have described Budgets as “innings”, while election victories and defeats have routinely been framed as cricket matches.In many ways, Gen Z slang is simply the latest chapter in this evolution. Parliament has never existed in a linguistic vacuum; it has always absorbed the language spoken beyond its walls.Language keeps evolvingEvery generation believes the next one’s vocabulary sounds strange.Words like “cool”, “awesome”, “dude” and “LOL” were once dismissed as youthful fads before becoming mainstream. Today’s internet lexicon follows the same trajectory.Many Gen Z expressions have travelled remarkable distances—from Korean pop fandoms to American drag culture, from gaming communities to TikTok trends—before landing in Indian political discourse. Their journey illustrates how digital platforms have accelerated the movement of language across borders and cultures.Not every slang term will survive. Internet vocabulary evolves at dizzying speed, with new words replacing old ones every few months. But some expressions inevitably escape their online origins to become part of everyday speech.When lawmakers adopt them, it signals that these words have crossed into the mainstream.When Bansuri Swaraj paused to say, “if I may borrow the language of Gen Z”, she acknowledged something larger than a passing linguistic trend.Politics is no longer communicated solely through ideological speeches or parliamentary rhetoric. It increasingly competes in the same digital ecosystem as influencers, meme pages and viral videos, where relatability often matters as much as reasoned argument.Whether that makes parliamentary debate more accessible or more performative remains open to debate. But one thing is clear: as India’s politics becomes increasingly digital, the House is learning to speak not just to Gen Z, but increasingly like Gen Z.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorNatasha SinghPrincipal Digital Content ProducerEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World’s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri’Most Filthy Type Of Man’: Rahul, Priyanka Gandhi Attack Pralhad Joshi; Massive Ruckus In ParlWhy Delhi-NCR Flooded Again As Four Weather Systems Combined With Years Of Planning Failures’Students Want Justice, Not Charity’: Priyanka Gandhi’s Explosive Speech On Paper Leaks Rocks LSMizoram Minister Opens Up On Drug Menace, Myanmar Border, Disaster Readiness & Ties With Centre”You Removed One Pradhan To Save The PM”: Paper Leak Bill Triggers Massive Showdown In ParliamentPolice Diary Reportedly Reveals RAF Fired Anti-Riot Guns During Jantar Mantar Protest | Watch123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari’s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn’t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegationsHollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more”Your child is always watching you”: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child’s futureWant more blooms? Prune these 5 garden plants in AugustWhy Indians have added ghee to hot rice for generations, according to scienceThe truth about Kumkumadi tailam: Know why it doesn’t deliver the same results for everyoneLeftover rotis? Try these 9 desi lunch dishes that pack 14–22g proteinHow to grow and care for lucky bamboo: An easy step-by-step guide for beginners123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay’s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingKangana RanautJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up

Vamsikrishna09 mins mins
Parliament is speaking GenZ NEW DELHI: “The Leader of the Opposition had gone ‘MIA’. ‘FOMO’ perhaps explains why he eventually went and sat outside the Prime Minister’s residence.” These are the words of 69-year old Union minister Jitendra SIngh, who was addressing the Lok Sabha on Wednesday.Until recently, these words belonged to Instagram comment sections, meme pages, K-pop fan communities and WhatsApp chats. This week, however, they echoed through the halls of Parliament. Watch ‘Students Want Justice, Not Charity’: Priyanka Gandhi’s Explosive Speech On Paper Leaks Rocks LSDuring the Monsoon session, MPs infused their speeches with Gen Z slang and internet catchphrases while taking on political rivals, discussing governance and framing arguments around issues ranging from education to development.BJP MP Bansuri Swaraj, while defending the Centre’s policies, urged the Opposition to “clock it” — a Gen Z phrase meaning to recognise or acknowledge something. “Where Congress created a policy vacuum, Modi clocked it, if I may borrow the language of Gen Z, and created a solution. All the Opposition did was chase political opportunism,” she said, explicitly acknowledging that she was borrowing from the vocabulary of younger generations.BJP’s Tejasvi Surya reached for another popular internet expression, calling the Opposition “delulu” — shorthand for “delusional” — suggesting its criticism of the government was detached from reality.Not to be left behind, Congress MP Deepender Hooda, during debate on anti-paper leak in Lok Sabha, slipped in ‘Kuchu Puchu’ and viral internet catchphrase “Vasteguna Huiya” in a swipe at Centre. “Aaj mera birthday hai toh please kuchu-puchu isteefa de do naaa (Today is my birthday, so please resign cutie pie),” he remarked, giving example of slogans at the recent student protests.Meanwhile, Shiv Sena MP Shrikant Eknath Shinde labelled the Opposition as suffering from “FOMO” — the “Fear of Missing Out” — and even described it as “MIA” (Missing in Action), implying that the Opposition was scrambling to remain politically relevant after missing key opportunities.It was an unusual moment.As Hooda put it, the GenZ with Bhagat Singh’s slogan of ‘Inquilab Zindabad’, turned it into ‘Vastaguna huiya’ when they protested against the government.Parliament, traditionally associated with constitutional language, Hindi idioms and literary references, suddenly sounded like an Instagram comment thread.What these words mean and where they come fromThe internet has a way of making words travel across continents, cultures and generations. Many expressions that now dominate Gen Z conversations were born in niche online communities long before they entered mainstream discourse.Clock ItUnlike many internet expressions, “clock it” has a much older cultural lineage. The phrase traces its roots to African-American and LGBTQ+ ballroom culture in the United States, where “to clock” someone meant to notice, identify or call out something—often a flaw or inconsistency.Popularised through drag culture and shows such as RuPaul’s Drag Race, the expression later migrated to TikTok and Instagram, where Gen Z adopted it to mean “spot the truth” or “call it as it is”.Vasteguna Huiya The phrase traces its roots to the viral meme “Can I get a Hoya?”, in which a teenager shouted the line in an exaggerated tone. In India, content creators gave the meme a local twist by replacing the original phrase with the nonsensical-sounding “Vasteguna Huiya”.The humour lay not in the words themselves—they have no literal meaning—but in the confused reactions they elicited. From there, the phrase spread rapidly across Instagram memes, reels and comment sections before making its way into the CJP student protests. Kuchu Puchu”Kuchu Puchu” does not have a single, traceable origin like “delulu” or “FOMO”. Instead, it evolved organically from baby talk, a simplified, affectionate style of speech used by parents, grandparents and couples across many Indian languages.The phrase is believed to be a playful variation of words like “kuchi kuchi,” “guchu puchu,” “kuchi poo,” and similar rhyming expressions that mimic the sounds babies make. Such reduplicative words are common in Hindi, Bengali, Tamil and several other Indian languages, where they are used as terms of endearment for children, pets or romantic partners.In recent years, “kuchu puchu” was revived and popularised by Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts and meme pages, where it took on a new, often sarcastic meaning. Calling someone “kuchu puchu” can imply that they are overly pampered, babied, innocent or treated with excessive affection.Its popularity surged during the CJP-led student protests, where protesters and social media users used “kuchu puchu” satirically to poke fun at political leaders and institutions.FOMOUnlike most Gen Z slang, FOMO predates social media. The acronym, standing for “Fear of Missing Out”, entered popular vocabulary in the early 2000s as psychologists and marketers described the anxiety people felt when they believed others were enjoying experiences they were not part of.Instagram amplified the phenomenon, turning FOMO into one of the defining emotions of the social media age. Today, the term is used far beyond personal life—to describe everything from investment trends to political strategy.MIAOriginally a military abbreviation for “Missing in Action”, MIA has been repurposed by internet users to describe people who suddenly disappear from conversations, social media or public life.DeluluPerhaps the most recognisable Gen Z word today, “delulu” is a shortened version of “delusional”. It first gained popularity within K-pop fandoms, where devoted fans jokingly described unrealistic fantasies—such as believing their favourite idol secretly loved them—as being “delulu”.Over time, the term evolved beyond fandom culture to describe anyone perceived as wildly optimistic or disconnected from reality. Today, it has become a staple of political banter, where opponents routinely accuse each other of being “delulu”.Why Gen Z language mattersThe timing of Parliament’s linguistic makeover is not accidental.The recent protests spearheaded by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) over NEET examination paper leaks were organised as much on Instagram and X as they were on the streets. Protesters used memes, short-form videos, viral hashtags and internet humour to mobilise students and simplify complex issues around examination reforms.For many young Indians, politics is now consumed through Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts and meme pages rather than lengthy parliamentary speeches or television debates. Viral clips often carry more influence than hour-long discussions.Taking notice of the same after massive protests, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also advised his Cabinet to engage with the youth on Instagram through reels and interactive sessions. “Young people are just on Instagram. This is a potential segment of citizens that we all need to connect with,” he said.India’s demographic profile makes this shift even more significant. With one of the world’s youngest populations and millions of first-time voters entering the electorate every election cycle, speaking the language of youth has become a political strategy as much as a communication style. Parliament has always borrowed popular languageAlthough Gen Z slangs in Parliament may sound dramatic, Parliament has always reflected the language of its times.In the early decades after Independence, speeches frequently quoted verses from the Bhagavad Gita, couplets by poets like Mirza Ghalib, Allama Iqbal. Hindi literary works were seen as a mark of oratorical skill.Long before MPs began saying “delulu” or “clock it”, Parliament had embraced the language of popular culture. Bollywood dialogues have long been used to simplify political arguments, inject humour and produce memorable sound bites.Rahul Gandhi’s dig at GST by calling it “Gabbar Singh Tax” transformed a complex debate on GST into a phrase instantly understood across India, while Prime Minister Narendra Modi invoked the character “Mausi” from the Sholay to mock the Congress party during his address in Parliament on July 2, 2024. He teased the opposition over their electoral defeat by mimicking a dialogue: “Arey Mausi, teesri baar toh haare hain, par moral victory toh hai na!” (Oh Mausi, we have lost for the third time too, but it’s a moral victory, right?). Watch 'Arre Mausi Hero Toh…': PM Modi Turns To 'Sholay' To Target Rahul Gandhi In Lok SabhaIn another instance, BJP MP Kangana Ranaut brought DDLJ’s iconic dialogue ‘Ja Simran, jeele apni zindagi’ to life while addressing women’s reservation bill in Lok Sabha. Watch Kangana Ranaut quotes DDLJ’s iconic line in Parliament, sparks heated debate on women’s bill rowCricket metaphors soon followed, with terms like “hitting a six”, “playing on the back foot” or being “clean bowled” by the Opposition. Finance ministers have described Budgets as “innings”, while election victories and defeats have routinely been framed as cricket matches.In many ways, Gen Z slang is simply the latest chapter in this evolution. Parliament has never existed in a linguistic vacuum; it has always absorbed the language spoken beyond its walls.Language keeps evolvingEvery generation believes the next one’s vocabulary sounds strange.Words like “cool”, “awesome”, “dude” and “LOL” were once dismissed as youthful fads before becoming mainstream. Today’s internet lexicon follows the same trajectory.Many Gen Z expressions have travelled remarkable distances—from Korean pop fandoms to American drag culture, from gaming communities to TikTok trends—before landing in Indian political discourse. Their journey illustrates how digital platforms have accelerated the movement of language across borders and cultures.Not every slang term will survive. Internet vocabulary evolves at dizzying speed, with new words replacing old ones every few months. But some expressions inevitably escape their online origins to become part of everyday speech.When lawmakers adopt them, it signals that these words have crossed into the mainstream.When Bansuri Swaraj paused to say, “if I may borrow the language of Gen Z”, she acknowledged something larger than a passing linguistic trend.Politics is no longer communicated solely through ideological speeches or parliamentary rhetoric. It increasingly competes in the same digital ecosystem as influencers, meme pages and viral videos, where relatability often matters as much as reasoned argument.Whether that makes parliamentary debate more accessible or more performative remains open to debate. But one thing is clear: as India’s politics becomes increasingly digital, the House is learning to speak not just to Gen Z, but increasingly like Gen Z.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorNatasha SinghPrincipal Digital Content ProducerEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World’s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri’Most Filthy Type Of Man’: Rahul, Priyanka Gandhi Attack Pralhad Joshi; Massive Ruckus In ParlWhy Delhi-NCR Flooded Again As Four Weather Systems Combined With Years Of Planning Failures’Students Want Justice, Not Charity’: Priyanka Gandhi’s Explosive Speech On Paper Leaks Rocks LSMizoram Minister Opens Up On Drug Menace, Myanmar Border, Disaster Readiness & Ties With Centre”You Removed One Pradhan To Save The PM”: Paper Leak Bill Triggers Massive Showdown In ParliamentPolice Diary Reportedly Reveals RAF Fired Anti-Riot Guns During Jantar Mantar Protest | Watch123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari’s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn’t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegationsHollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more”Your child is always watching you”: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child’s futureWant more blooms? Prune these 5 garden plants in AugustWhy Indians have added ghee to hot rice for generations, according to scienceThe truth about Kumkumadi tailam: Know why it doesn’t deliver the same results for everyoneLeftover rotis? Try these 9 desi lunch dishes that pack 14–22g proteinHow to grow and care for lucky bamboo: An easy step-by-step guide for beginners123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay’s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingKangana RanautJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up


'Kuchu-puchu', 'delulu', 'clock it': Decoding the GenZ vocabulary now echoing in Parliament
Parliament is speaking GenZ

NEW DELHI: “The Leader of the Opposition had gone ‘MIA‘. ‘FOMO‘ perhaps explains why he eventually went and sat outside the Prime Minister’s residence.” These are the words of 69-year old Union minister Jitendra SIngh, who was addressing the Lok Sabha on Wednesday.Until recently, these words belonged to Instagram comment sections, meme pages, K-pop fan communities and WhatsApp chats. This week, however, they echoed through the halls of Parliament. During the Monsoon session, MPs infused their speeches with Gen Z slang and internet catchphrases while taking on political rivals, discussing governance and framing arguments around issues ranging from education to development.BJP MP Bansuri Swaraj, while defending the Centre’s policies, urged the Opposition to “clock it” — a Gen Z phrase meaning to recognise or acknowledge something. “Where Congress created a policy vacuum, Modi clocked it, if I may borrow the language of Gen Z, and created a solution. All the Opposition did was chase political opportunism,” she said, explicitly acknowledging that she was borrowing from the vocabulary of younger generations.BJP’s Tejasvi Surya reached for another popular internet expression, calling the Opposition “delulu” — shorthand for “delusional” — suggesting its criticism of the government was detached from reality.Not to be left behind, Congress MP Deepender Hooda, during debate on anti-paper leak in Lok Sabha, slipped in ‘Kuchu Puchu’ and viral internet catchphrase “Vasteguna Huiya” in a swipe at Centre. “Aaj mera birthday hai toh please kuchu-puchu isteefa de do naaa (Today is my birthday, so please resign cutie pie),” he remarked, giving example of slogans at the recent student protests.Meanwhile, Shiv Sena MP Shrikant Eknath Shinde labelled the Opposition as suffering from “FOMO” — the “Fear of Missing Out” — and even described it as “MIA” (Missing in Action), implying that the Opposition was scrambling to remain politically relevant after missing key opportunities.It was an unusual moment.As Hooda put it, the GenZ with Bhagat Singh’s slogan of ‘Inquilab Zindabad’, turned it into ‘Vastaguna huiya’ when they protested against the government.Parliament, traditionally associated with constitutional language, Hindi idioms and literary references, suddenly sounded like an Instagram comment thread.

What these words mean and where they come from

The internet has a way of making words travel across continents, cultures and generations. Many expressions that now dominate Gen Z conversations were born in niche online communities long before they entered mainstream discourse.

Clock It

Unlike many internet expressions, “clock it” has a much older cultural lineage. The phrase traces its roots to African-American and LGBTQ+ ballroom culture in the United States, where “to clock” someone meant to notice, identify or call out something—often a flaw or inconsistency.Popularised through drag culture and shows such as RuPaul’s Drag Race, the expression later migrated to TikTok and Instagram, where Gen Z adopted it to mean “spot the truth” or “call it as it is”.

Vasteguna Huiya

The phrase traces its roots to the viral meme “Can I get a Hoya?”, in which a teenager shouted the line in an exaggerated tone. In India, content creators gave the meme a local twist by replacing the original phrase with the nonsensical-sounding “Vasteguna Huiya”.The humour lay not in the words themselves—they have no literal meaning—but in the confused reactions they elicited. From there, the phrase spread rapidly across Instagram memes, reels and comment sections before making its way into the CJP student protests.

Kuchu Puchu

“Kuchu Puchu” does not have a single, traceable origin like “delulu” or “FOMO”. Instead, it evolved organically from baby talk, a simplified, affectionate style of speech used by parents, grandparents and couples across many Indian languages.The phrase is believed to be a playful variation of words like “kuchi kuchi,” “guchu puchu,” “kuchi poo,” and similar rhyming expressions that mimic the sounds babies make. Such reduplicative words are common in Hindi, Bengali, Tamil and several other Indian languages, where they are used as terms of endearment for children, pets or romantic partners.In recent years, “kuchu puchu” was revived and popularised by Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts and meme pages, where it took on a new, often sarcastic meaning. Calling someone “kuchu puchu” can imply that they are overly pampered, babied, innocent or treated with excessive affection.Its popularity surged during the CJP-led student protests, where protesters and social media users used “kuchu puchu” satirically to poke fun at political leaders and institutions.

FOMO

Unlike most Gen Z slang, FOMO predates social media. The acronym, standing for “Fear of Missing Out”, entered popular vocabulary in the early 2000s as psychologists and marketers described the anxiety people felt when they believed others were enjoying experiences they were not part of.Instagram amplified the phenomenon, turning FOMO into one of the defining emotions of the social media age. Today, the term is used far beyond personal life—to describe everything from investment trends to political strategy.

MIA

Originally a military abbreviation for “Missing in Action”, MIA has been repurposed by internet users to describe people who suddenly disappear from conversations, social media or public life.

Delulu

Perhaps the most recognisable Gen Z word today, “delulu” is a shortened version of “delusional”. It first gained popularity within K-pop fandoms, where devoted fans jokingly described unrealistic fantasies—such as believing their favourite idol secretly loved them—as being “delulu”.Over time, the term evolved beyond fandom culture to describe anyone perceived as wildly optimistic or disconnected from reality. Today, it has become a staple of political banter, where opponents routinely accuse each other of being “delulu”.

Why Gen Z language matters

The timing of Parliament’s linguistic makeover is not accidental.The recent protests spearheaded by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) over NEET examination paper leaks were organised as much on Instagram and X as they were on the streets. Protesters used memes, short-form videos, viral hashtags and internet humour to mobilise students and simplify complex issues around examination reforms.For many young Indians, politics is now consumed through Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts and meme pages rather than lengthy parliamentary speeches or television debates. Viral clips often carry more influence than hour-long discussions.Taking notice of the same after massive protests, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also advised his Cabinet to engage with the youth on Instagram through reels and interactive sessions. “Young people are just on Instagram. This is a potential segment of citizens that we all need to connect with,” he said.

Clock It: Parliament has learned GenZ

India’s demographic profile makes this shift even more significant. With one of the world’s youngest populations and millions of first-time voters entering the electorate every election cycle, speaking the language of youth has become a political strategy as much as a communication style.

Parliament has always borrowed popular language

Although Gen Z slangs in Parliament may sound dramatic, Parliament has always reflected the language of its times.In the early decades after Independence, speeches frequently quoted verses from the Bhagavad Gita, couplets by poets like Mirza Ghalib, Allama Iqbal. Hindi literary works were seen as a mark of oratorical skill.Long before MPs began saying “delulu” or “clock it”, Parliament had embraced the language of popular culture. Bollywood dialogues have long been used to simplify political arguments, inject humour and produce memorable sound bites.Rahul Gandhi’s dig at GST by calling it “Gabbar Singh Tax” transformed a complex debate on GST into a phrase instantly understood across India, while Prime Minister Narendra Modi invoked the character “Mausi” from the Sholay to mock the Congress party during his address in Parliament on July 2, 2024. He teased the opposition over their electoral defeat by mimicking a dialogue: “Arey Mausi, teesri baar toh haare hain, par moral victory toh hai na!” (Oh Mausi, we have lost for the third time too, but it’s a moral victory, right?). In another instance, BJP MP Kangana Ranaut brought DDLJ’s iconic dialogue ‘Ja Simran, jeele apni zindagi’ to life while addressing women’s reservation bill in Lok Sabha. Cricket metaphors soon followed, with terms like “hitting a six”, “playing on the back foot” or being “clean bowled” by the Opposition. Finance ministers have described Budgets as “innings”, while election victories and defeats have routinely been framed as cricket matches.In many ways, Gen Z slang is simply the latest chapter in this evolution. Parliament has never existed in a linguistic vacuum; it has always absorbed the language spoken beyond its walls.

Language keeps evolving

Every generation believes the next one’s vocabulary sounds strange.Words like “cool”, “awesome”, “dude” and “LOL” were once dismissed as youthful fads before becoming mainstream. Today’s internet lexicon follows the same trajectory.Many Gen Z expressions have travelled remarkable distances—from Korean pop fandoms to American drag culture, from gaming communities to TikTok trends—before landing in Indian political discourse. Their journey illustrates how digital platforms have accelerated the movement of language across borders and cultures.Not every slang term will survive. Internet vocabulary evolves at dizzying speed, with new words replacing old ones every few months. But some expressions inevitably escape their online origins to become part of everyday speech.When lawmakers adopt them, it signals that these words have crossed into the mainstream.When Bansuri Swaraj paused to say, “if I may borrow the language of Gen Z”, she acknowledged something larger than a passing linguistic trend.Politics is no longer communicated solely through ideological speeches or parliamentary rhetoric. It increasingly competes in the same digital ecosystem as influencers, meme pages and viral videos, where relatability often matters as much as reasoned argument.Whether that makes parliamentary debate more accessible or more performative remains open to debate. But one thing is clear: as India’s politics becomes increasingly digital, the House is learning to speak not just to Gen Z, but increasingly like Gen Z.



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How student protests spark ignite national movements and shape politics BENGALURU: In May 2026, the Chief Justice of India made an offhand, dismissive remark about unemployed young Indians being like cockroaches. Ten weeks later, a Union minister had resigned, tens of thousands of protesters had marched on Parliament, and a satirical party named after the insult was the biggest story in the country — not necessarily in that order!Nobody involved in that first remark could have predicted where it would end up. That gap, between how small these things start and how large they end up, is the story of Indian student politics itself. Watch ‘Detaining Activists Is Normal’: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersIt is, in fact, the pattern that connects nearly every major student agitation since independence, laid out in the timeline alongside this piece. A hostel mess-fee hike in Ahmedabad brought down a state govt. A poetry reading on a university lawn became a national argument about sedition.A single self-immolation outside a Delhi college reshaped a decade of caste politics. Indian students, again and again, have turned small, local sparks into fires. Not because the sparks themselves were extraordinary, but because they landed on reservoirs of frustration, economic distress, discrimination, corruption, a sense of being unheard, that were already primed to catch. Few groups in Indian public life have intervened so often, so unpredictably, or with such little warning.Why students & why so oftenIndia has one of the youngest populations in the world, and its colleges concentrate huge numbers of young people in one place, with time and energy that older, more encumbered protesters often can’t spare — but it isn’t that students have less at stake.It’s that what’s at stake for them is the future itself: the job market they’re about to enter, the country they’re about to inherit, the fairness of the exam or the quota or the citizenship rule that will decide their next decade.Campuses also come with built-in organising infrastructure: hostels, unions, canteens, and, increasingly, group chats that can turn a local grievance into a national one within hours. Students also carry a kind of moral capital unlike any other in Indian public culture: the idea, inherited from the independence movement itself, that young people protesting is a sign of a healthy conscience rather than a threat to order.But structure alone doesn’t explain the pattern. India has produced at least 13 agitations substantial enough to, in different ways, influence Indian politics since 1947 — from the 1959 Bengal food riots to the Cockroach Movement. Look closely at five of them across seven decades, and a consistent anatomy emerges: the way these movements start, escalate, provoke the state, and either win, lose, or curdle into something else.5 movements that define the patternGujarat, 1974, brought down a govt: In Dec 1973, students at an Ahmedabad engineering college struck over a 20% hike in hostel mess fees. Layered onto soaring food prices and corruption allegations against the state’s chief minister, the strike metastasised within weeks into the Navnirman Andolan. Curfews were imposed in 44 towns; the army was deployed.Facing sustained pressure, chief minister Chimanbhai Patel resigned in Feb 1974, and when the assembly wouldn’t dissolve on its own, veteran leader Morarji Desai’s hunger strike and continued student pressure forced fresh elections anyway. It remains the only instance in independent India’s history of sustained public agitation toppling an elected govt outright — and as per multiple accounts, it directly inspired Jayaprakash Narayan’s (JP) much larger Bihar Movement weeks later, which fed into the political climate that produced both the 1975 Emergency and Congress’ historic 1977 defeat.Assam, 1979–85, became a 6-year war of attrition: After electoral rolls turned up apparent non-citizens, the All Assam Students’ Union launched a movement demanding detection and deportation of illegal immigrants. What followed is among the longest continuous student-led agitations in Indian history: blockades, election boycotts, and periods of horrific ethnic violence, including the 1983 Nellie massacre, in a movement whose overall toll has been estimated above 850 deaths.It ended with the 1985 Assam Accord, which set a cutoff date for citizenship claims and promised cultural safeguards still only partially delivered today. AASU leaders converted the movement into a political party, the Asom Gana Parishad, and won the state election that followed.Delhi & Bihar, 1990, turned a policy fight into public self-immolation: When the govt moved to implement the Mandal Commission’s 27% OBC quota in central jobs, upper-caste students across northern India erupted in protest. On Sept 19, 1990, 19-year-old Delhi University student Rajeev Goswami set himself on fire outside his college; he survived with severe burns but never fully recovered. His act triggered a wave of copycat self-immolation attempts nationwide. The quota was implemented anyway, and VP Singh’s govt fell within months for reasons beyond Mandal alone — proof that a movement can dominate the national imagination for years without reversing the policy that provoked it.Delhi, 2019–20, showed how quickly state force can convert a local protest into a national one: Student-led sit-ins against the Citizenship Amendment Act spread from Jamia Millia Islamia to campuses nationwide, but the defining moment came on the night of Dec 15, 2019, when Delhi Police entered Jamia’s campus, including its library, and used batons and tear gas on students inside. That single raid, captured on phone cameras, played an important role in nationalising the anti-CAA movement than months of organizing had. The law remained on the statute books and was later notified, even though the protests fundamentally reshaped the national debate.Delhi, 2026, moved faster than any of the above: A dismissive remark about unemployed youth being like “cockroaches” was turned into satire by a strategist who founded the Cockroach Janata Party — a parody of the ruling party’s name, with an AI-generated mascot. Fuelled by anger over leaked entrance exams and graduate unemployment near 40%, it grew from an online joke to hundreds of thousands of members within weeks. On July 20, 2026, roughly 20,000 protesters tried to march on Parliament; police used tear gas and batons, injuring nearly 180 people.Rather than back down, the movement camped at Jantar Mantar and spread to a dozen cities. On July 25, education minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned — the core demand met in about ten weeks, a fraction of the time earlier movements took to win anything at all.8 more that shaped the patternThe five above are the clearest cases, but the other eight matter just as much.Bengal, 1959, gave independent India one its first major student agitations — there had already been other student protests in places like Travancore and Hyderabad — when a famine-level food crisis and police firing on a mass rally pulled students into the streets alongside workers and peasants — establishing, for the first time, that this kind of politics was legitimate in the new republic.Madras, 1965, is the cleanest win on this entire list: Student-led protests against the imposition of Hindi as the sole official language ultimately led the govt to guarantee English would continue indefinitely, and permanently reshaped Tamil Nadu’s politics around the DMK.Telangana, 1969–70, saw students mobilise around regional neglect and job inequities decades before the state itself was created in 2014 — a reminder that some of these movements take generations to pay off, if they ever do.Bihar, 1974–75, is where JP’s “Total Revolution” turned a student agitation against corruption and unemployment into a national coalition; when Indira Gandhi responded by declaring the Emergency in 1975, students — opposition parties, socialists, RSS cadres, trade unions also operated from underground — were among groups that kept organised dissent alive underground until elections finally returned in 1977.Delhi & Mumbai, 2006, saw medical and engineering students protest the extension of OBC quotas to central higher-education institutions. The courts upheld most provisions of the policy in 2008, making this the direct sequel to 1990’s argument, fought with less violence but the same underlying tension.Delhi, 2012, wasn’t organised by any student union — it was a largely leaderless, student-heavy public eruption after the gangrape and murder of a young physiotherapy student (Nirbhaya case), and one of the rare cases here that produced fast legislative change: the 2013 criminal law reforms toughening rape sentencing.Pune, 2015, was smaller in scale but longer in duration: FTII students struck for 139 days over the appointment of a chairman they saw as a political pick, keeping alive the broader argument about political interference in public institutions even though the appointment itself stood.Hyderabad & Delhi, 2016, delivered two separate shocks in one year: Dalit scholar Rohith Vemula’s suicide, after his suspension amid political pressure, reopened a national reckoning over caste discrimination on campus. Weeks later, the arrest of JNU Students’ Union president Kanhaiya Kumar on sedition charges, after a campus event, turned “anti-national” speech into one of the decade’s defining and most polarising arguments.The anatomy: What these movements shareFour patterns recur across all thirteen movements above, not just the five examined in depth.Small triggers, large fuses: As the opening of this piece argued, the size of the spark has never predicted the size of the fire. What decides that is how much pre-existing frustration was already sitting there, waiting for something to ignite it.State response usually determines the trajectory: In case after case, the decisive escalation wasn’t the original grievance but the visible use of force against students: police firing in Calcutta in 1959 and Madurai in 1965, the Jamia library raid in 2019, the tear-gassing at Jantar Mantar in 2026. Violence against students, especially once captured on camera, has repeatedly turned local protests into national ones and made the state’s own response the story.Self-sacrifice is a distinctly Indian repertoire: Self-immolation recurs across this history, most starkly in 1990, as a form of protest with few real parallels in other democracies’ student movements — a sign both of the intensity of feeling involved and of a media culture in which one person’s extreme act can shift public opinion faster than a rally of thousands.Success is rare, and usually narrow: Of the 13 movements above, only Navnirman clearly toppled a govt outright. A handful won specific, bounded concessions — the 1965 language guarantee, the 2013 rape-law reforms, Pradhan’s 2026 resignation. Several others, including Mandal, the JNU sedition case, and Anti-CAA, ended without the underlying policy being reversed at all, even as they reshaped public debate for years.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesThe honest lesson of seventy years of student politics is that these movements are far better at forcing a national conversation, or costing one official their job, than at reversing a government’s core commitments. What has changed is speed, not shape. In 1974 and 1990, it took months or years for a local grievance to become a national reckoning, carried by hostel meetings and cyclostyled pamphlets.In 2026, it took ten weeks, carried by a meme and a mascot. The grammar is identical either way: a grievance, a trigger, a confrontation with the state, and an outcome judged by whether it produced a resignation, a repealed law, or just a memory.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorChethan KumarChethan Kumar is a Senior Assistant Editor with the Times of India. Aside from specialising in Space & Science, he has reported extensively on varied topics, with special focus on defence, policy and data stories. He has covered multiple elections, too. As a young democracy grows out of adolescence, Chethan feels, there are reels of tales emerging which need to be captured. To do this, he alternates between the mundane goings-on of the Common Man and the wonder-filled worlds of scientists and scamsters, politicians and soldiers. In a career spanning nearly 18 years, he has reported from multiple datelines — Houston, Florida, Kochi, Hyderabad, Chennai, Sriharikota (AP), NH-1 (J&K Highway), New Delhi, Ahmedabad, Raichur, Bhatkal, Mysuru, Chamarajanagar, to name a few — but is based out of Bengaluru, India’s science capital that also hosts the ISRO HQ.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos’Detaining Activists Is Normal’: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersWho Is V Kamakoti? 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How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari’s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn’t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegations6 ways to make hard-boiled eggs easier to peel; Physics explains why one method works best5 psychology-backed lessons every father should teach his son about people and lifePaid menstrual leave to unlimited paid time off: 6 things a female CEO does that men may not imagine!Hollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 lessons from 80-year-old Canadian fitness influencer, Joan MacDonald, that can get you moving5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureWhy do Bengali women traditionally tie a key to their saree pallu? The fascinating story behind this ritualHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more”Your child is always watching you”: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child’s future123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay’s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingTony RomosJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up

How student protests spark ignite national movements and shape politics BENGALURU: In May 2026, the Chief Justice of India made an offhand, dismissive remark about unemployed young Indians being like cockroaches. Ten weeks later, a Union minister had resigned, tens of thousands of protesters had marched on Parliament, and a satirical party named after the insult was the biggest story in the country — not necessarily in that order!Nobody involved in that first remark could have predicted where it would end up. That gap, between how small these things start and how large they end up, is the story of Indian student politics itself. Watch ‘Detaining Activists Is Normal’: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersIt is, in fact, the pattern that connects nearly every major student agitation since independence, laid out in the timeline alongside this piece. A hostel mess-fee hike in Ahmedabad brought down a state govt. A poetry reading on a university lawn became a national argument about sedition.A single self-immolation outside a Delhi college reshaped a decade of caste politics. Indian students, again and again, have turned small, local sparks into fires. Not because the sparks themselves were extraordinary, but because they landed on reservoirs of frustration, economic distress, discrimination, corruption, a sense of being unheard, that were already primed to catch. Few groups in Indian public life have intervened so often, so unpredictably, or with such little warning.Why students & why so oftenIndia has one of the youngest populations in the world, and its colleges concentrate huge numbers of young people in one place, with time and energy that older, more encumbered protesters often can’t spare — but it isn’t that students have less at stake.It’s that what’s at stake for them is the future itself: the job market they’re about to enter, the country they’re about to inherit, the fairness of the exam or the quota or the citizenship rule that will decide their next decade.Campuses also come with built-in organising infrastructure: hostels, unions, canteens, and, increasingly, group chats that can turn a local grievance into a national one within hours. Students also carry a kind of moral capital unlike any other in Indian public culture: the idea, inherited from the independence movement itself, that young people protesting is a sign of a healthy conscience rather than a threat to order.But structure alone doesn’t explain the pattern. India has produced at least 13 agitations substantial enough to, in different ways, influence Indian politics since 1947 — from the 1959 Bengal food riots to the Cockroach Movement. Look closely at five of them across seven decades, and a consistent anatomy emerges: the way these movements start, escalate, provoke the state, and either win, lose, or curdle into something else.5 movements that define the patternGujarat, 1974, brought down a govt: In Dec 1973, students at an Ahmedabad engineering college struck over a 20% hike in hostel mess fees. Layered onto soaring food prices and corruption allegations against the state’s chief minister, the strike metastasised within weeks into the Navnirman Andolan. Curfews were imposed in 44 towns; the army was deployed.Facing sustained pressure, chief minister Chimanbhai Patel resigned in Feb 1974, and when the assembly wouldn’t dissolve on its own, veteran leader Morarji Desai’s hunger strike and continued student pressure forced fresh elections anyway. It remains the only instance in independent India’s history of sustained public agitation toppling an elected govt outright — and as per multiple accounts, it directly inspired Jayaprakash Narayan’s (JP) much larger Bihar Movement weeks later, which fed into the political climate that produced both the 1975 Emergency and Congress’ historic 1977 defeat.Assam, 1979–85, became a 6-year war of attrition: After electoral rolls turned up apparent non-citizens, the All Assam Students’ Union launched a movement demanding detection and deportation of illegal immigrants. What followed is among the longest continuous student-led agitations in Indian history: blockades, election boycotts, and periods of horrific ethnic violence, including the 1983 Nellie massacre, in a movement whose overall toll has been estimated above 850 deaths.It ended with the 1985 Assam Accord, which set a cutoff date for citizenship claims and promised cultural safeguards still only partially delivered today. AASU leaders converted the movement into a political party, the Asom Gana Parishad, and won the state election that followed.Delhi & Bihar, 1990, turned a policy fight into public self-immolation: When the govt moved to implement the Mandal Commission’s 27% OBC quota in central jobs, upper-caste students across northern India erupted in protest. On Sept 19, 1990, 19-year-old Delhi University student Rajeev Goswami set himself on fire outside his college; he survived with severe burns but never fully recovered. His act triggered a wave of copycat self-immolation attempts nationwide. The quota was implemented anyway, and VP Singh’s govt fell within months for reasons beyond Mandal alone — proof that a movement can dominate the national imagination for years without reversing the policy that provoked it.Delhi, 2019–20, showed how quickly state force can convert a local protest into a national one: Student-led sit-ins against the Citizenship Amendment Act spread from Jamia Millia Islamia to campuses nationwide, but the defining moment came on the night of Dec 15, 2019, when Delhi Police entered Jamia’s campus, including its library, and used batons and tear gas on students inside. That single raid, captured on phone cameras, played an important role in nationalising the anti-CAA movement than months of organizing had. The law remained on the statute books and was later notified, even though the protests fundamentally reshaped the national debate.Delhi, 2026, moved faster than any of the above: A dismissive remark about unemployed youth being like “cockroaches” was turned into satire by a strategist who founded the Cockroach Janata Party — a parody of the ruling party’s name, with an AI-generated mascot. Fuelled by anger over leaked entrance exams and graduate unemployment near 40%, it grew from an online joke to hundreds of thousands of members within weeks. On July 20, 2026, roughly 20,000 protesters tried to march on Parliament; police used tear gas and batons, injuring nearly 180 people.Rather than back down, the movement camped at Jantar Mantar and spread to a dozen cities. On July 25, education minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned — the core demand met in about ten weeks, a fraction of the time earlier movements took to win anything at all.8 more that shaped the patternThe five above are the clearest cases, but the other eight matter just as much.Bengal, 1959, gave independent India one its first major student agitations — there had already been other student protests in places like Travancore and Hyderabad — when a famine-level food crisis and police firing on a mass rally pulled students into the streets alongside workers and peasants — establishing, for the first time, that this kind of politics was legitimate in the new republic.Madras, 1965, is the cleanest win on this entire list: Student-led protests against the imposition of Hindi as the sole official language ultimately led the govt to guarantee English would continue indefinitely, and permanently reshaped Tamil Nadu’s politics around the DMK.Telangana, 1969–70, saw students mobilise around regional neglect and job inequities decades before the state itself was created in 2014 — a reminder that some of these movements take generations to pay off, if they ever do.Bihar, 1974–75, is where JP’s “Total Revolution” turned a student agitation against corruption and unemployment into a national coalition; when Indira Gandhi responded by declaring the Emergency in 1975, students — opposition parties, socialists, RSS cadres, trade unions also operated from underground — were among groups that kept organised dissent alive underground until elections finally returned in 1977.Delhi & Mumbai, 2006, saw medical and engineering students protest the extension of OBC quotas to central higher-education institutions. The courts upheld most provisions of the policy in 2008, making this the direct sequel to 1990’s argument, fought with less violence but the same underlying tension.Delhi, 2012, wasn’t organised by any student union — it was a largely leaderless, student-heavy public eruption after the gangrape and murder of a young physiotherapy student (Nirbhaya case), and one of the rare cases here that produced fast legislative change: the 2013 criminal law reforms toughening rape sentencing.Pune, 2015, was smaller in scale but longer in duration: FTII students struck for 139 days over the appointment of a chairman they saw as a political pick, keeping alive the broader argument about political interference in public institutions even though the appointment itself stood.Hyderabad & Delhi, 2016, delivered two separate shocks in one year: Dalit scholar Rohith Vemula’s suicide, after his suspension amid political pressure, reopened a national reckoning over caste discrimination on campus. Weeks later, the arrest of JNU Students’ Union president Kanhaiya Kumar on sedition charges, after a campus event, turned “anti-national” speech into one of the decade’s defining and most polarising arguments.The anatomy: What these movements shareFour patterns recur across all thirteen movements above, not just the five examined in depth.Small triggers, large fuses: As the opening of this piece argued, the size of the spark has never predicted the size of the fire. What decides that is how much pre-existing frustration was already sitting there, waiting for something to ignite it.State response usually determines the trajectory: In case after case, the decisive escalation wasn’t the original grievance but the visible use of force against students: police firing in Calcutta in 1959 and Madurai in 1965, the Jamia library raid in 2019, the tear-gassing at Jantar Mantar in 2026. Violence against students, especially once captured on camera, has repeatedly turned local protests into national ones and made the state’s own response the story.Self-sacrifice is a distinctly Indian repertoire: Self-immolation recurs across this history, most starkly in 1990, as a form of protest with few real parallels in other democracies’ student movements — a sign both of the intensity of feeling involved and of a media culture in which one person’s extreme act can shift public opinion faster than a rally of thousands.Success is rare, and usually narrow: Of the 13 movements above, only Navnirman clearly toppled a govt outright. A handful won specific, bounded concessions — the 1965 language guarantee, the 2013 rape-law reforms, Pradhan’s 2026 resignation. Several others, including Mandal, the JNU sedition case, and Anti-CAA, ended without the underlying policy being reversed at all, even as they reshaped public debate for years.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesThe honest lesson of seventy years of student politics is that these movements are far better at forcing a national conversation, or costing one official their job, than at reversing a government’s core commitments. What has changed is speed, not shape. In 1974 and 1990, it took months or years for a local grievance to become a national reckoning, carried by hostel meetings and cyclostyled pamphlets.In 2026, it took ten weeks, carried by a meme and a mascot. The grammar is identical either way: a grievance, a trigger, a confrontation with the state, and an outcome judged by whether it produced a resignation, a repealed law, or just a memory.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorChethan KumarChethan Kumar is a Senior Assistant Editor with the Times of India. Aside from specialising in Space & Science, he has reported extensively on varied topics, with special focus on defence, policy and data stories. He has covered multiple elections, too. As a young democracy grows out of adolescence, Chethan feels, there are reels of tales emerging which need to be captured. To do this, he alternates between the mundane goings-on of the Common Man and the wonder-filled worlds of scientists and scamsters, politicians and soldiers. In a career spanning nearly 18 years, he has reported from multiple datelines — Houston, Florida, Kochi, Hyderabad, Chennai, Sriharikota (AP), NH-1 (J&K Highway), New Delhi, Ahmedabad, Raichur, Bhatkal, Mysuru, Chamarajanagar, to name a few — but is based out of Bengaluru, India’s science capital that also hosts the ISRO HQ.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos’Detaining Activists Is Normal’: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersWho Is V Kamakoti? IIT Madras Director And Exam Reforms Task Force Member Draws Political FireKhawaja Asif Calls POK Protesters “Enemies Like India” Amid Deadly Crackdown; Statement Sparks StirLok Sabha Passes Anti-Paper Leak Bill Amid Ruckus Over Rahul’s ‘Shooting’ Charge Against Amit Shah’Put Pellets Into Blood Of Our Students,’ Rahul Gandhi’s Attack On Hm Shah In LS Sparks Uproar’Student, Idiot, Andhbhakt’: Rahul Gandhi’s ‘3 Categories’ Remark Sparks Row In Lok SabhaPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World’s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari’s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn’t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegations6 ways to make hard-boiled eggs easier to peel; Physics explains why one method works best5 psychology-backed lessons every father should teach his son about people and lifePaid menstrual leave to unlimited paid time off: 6 things a female CEO does that men may not imagine!Hollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 lessons from 80-year-old Canadian fitness influencer, Joan MacDonald, that can get you moving5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureWhy do Bengali women traditionally tie a key to their saree pallu? The fascinating story behind this ritualHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more”Your child is always watching you”: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child’s future123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay’s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingTony RomosJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up

Vamsikrishna 0
NEW DELHI: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday accused the Centre of denying him an opportunity to speak in the Lok Sabha because he held Union home minister Amit Shah responsible for the alleged police brutality during the July 20 CJP march.Addressing a press conference after the proceedings, Rahul claimed he was assured he would be allowed to resume his speech if he apologised, but said he refused, declaring that he would “never ever apologise to the BJP, RSS, or any other person associated with them.””As you saw today, the leader of the opposition was not allowed to speak in the Lok Sabha. Multiple times, I asked the Speaker to bring order to the House so that I could speak. Multiple times, Rajnath Singh ji and others were allowed to speak, but I was not allowed to speak. The excuse was that I said something about Mr. Amit Shah. I said that Mr. Amit Shah was responsible for the brutality that was carried out,” Rahul said.”I was also given an assurance that if I apologise, I will be allowed to continue speaking. The first thing is, I will never ever apologise to the BJP, RSS, or any other person associated with them. The second thing is, it is my right as the Leader of the Opposition to raise issues that are important for this country. To me, the most important issue today is that our students, people who are open-minded and ask questions, were brutalised on the streets of Delhi,” he added.’Sack Shah, order probe’During the conference, Rahul called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to sack Amit Shah over the alleged crackdown on student protesters and demanded an independent probe into the incident, which is being monitored by the Supreme Court.He also claimed the Congress had gathered evidence showing that police used electric batons, pellet guns and lathis fitted with nails to disperse students.”They were shot with pellet guns. One boy who was shot with a pellet gun is most likely to lose his eye and may not be able to see. I have seen the AIIMS medical certificate, which shows that he was shot with pellet guns. Shock batons were used, not just normal lathis, lathis with nails. Where did the police get this idea from?” Rahul said.”Now there are two possibilities. Either Amit Shah gave the order to shoot people with pellet guns, beat people with lathis with nails, and use electric batons, or he did not know it was happening. If he did not know, he is incompetent. If he ordered it, he is culpable. In either case, he has to go. And every single child who has been beaten must know this,” he added.”We are not asking for anything that is out of the ordinary. At least have the decency to take responsibility for what you have done,” he further said.3 promises to studentsDuring the press conference, Rahul Gandhi also made three promises to students affected by the alleged police action. He said the he would ensure justice for the injured students, punish those responsible for the alleged use of pellet guns, and hold those involved accountable.”We will ensure that the students who were beaten, maybe not today, maybe sometime from now, but we will ensure that every single one of those students who was beaten gets justice,” he said.”We will ensure that the people who shot our students with pellet guns will be punished. It’s very simple for us to do. We have the photographs. We’ve collected all the videos and all the photographs. We know the police officers who have done it,” Rahul said.”So, you might think you’re very smart, but accountability is going to come. This is our guarantee. This is our guarantee to the students,” he said.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos’Detaining Activists Is Normal’: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersWho Is V Kamakoti? IIT Madras Director And Exam Reforms Task Force Member Draws Political FireKhawaja Asif Calls POK Protesters “Enemies Like India” Amid Deadly Crackdown; Statement Sparks StirLok Sabha Passes Anti-Paper Leak Bill Amid Ruckus Over Rahul’s ‘Shooting’ Charge Against Amit Shah’Put Pellets Into Blood Of Our Students,’ Rahul Gandhi’s Attack On Hm Shah In LS Sparks Uproar’Student, Idiot, Andhbhakt’: Rahul Gandhi’s ‘3 Categories’ Remark Sparks Row In Lok SabhaPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World’s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari’s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn’t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegations6 ways to make hard-boiled eggs easier to peel; Physics explains why one method works best5 psychology-backed lessons every father should teach his son about people and lifePaid menstrual leave to unlimited paid time off: 6 things a female CEO does that men may not imagine!Hollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 lessons from 80-year-old Canadian fitness influencer, Joan MacDonald, that can get you moving5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureWhy do Bengali women traditionally tie a key to their saree pallu? The fascinating story behind this ritualHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more”Your child is always watching you”: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child’s future123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay’s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingTony RomosJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up

NEW DELHI: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday accused the Centre of denying him an opportunity to speak in the Lok Sabha because he held Union home minister Amit Shah responsible for the alleged police brutality during the July 20 CJP march.Addressing a press conference after the proceedings, Rahul claimed he was assured he would be allowed to resume his speech if he apologised, but said he refused, declaring that he would “never ever apologise to the BJP, RSS, or any other person associated with them.””As you saw today, the leader of the opposition was not allowed to speak in the Lok Sabha. Multiple times, I asked the Speaker to bring order to the House so that I could speak. Multiple times, Rajnath Singh ji and others were allowed to speak, but I was not allowed to speak. The excuse was that I said something about Mr. Amit Shah. I said that Mr. Amit Shah was responsible for the brutality that was carried out,” Rahul said.”I was also given an assurance that if I apologise, I will be allowed to continue speaking. The first thing is, I will never ever apologise to the BJP, RSS, or any other person associated with them. The second thing is, it is my right as the Leader of the Opposition to raise issues that are important for this country. To me, the most important issue today is that our students, people who are open-minded and ask questions, were brutalised on the streets of Delhi,” he added.’Sack Shah, order probe’During the conference, Rahul called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to sack Amit Shah over the alleged crackdown on student protesters and demanded an independent probe into the incident, which is being monitored by the Supreme Court.He also claimed the Congress had gathered evidence showing that police used electric batons, pellet guns and lathis fitted with nails to disperse students.”They were shot with pellet guns. One boy who was shot with a pellet gun is most likely to lose his eye and may not be able to see. I have seen the AIIMS medical certificate, which shows that he was shot with pellet guns. Shock batons were used, not just normal lathis, lathis with nails. Where did the police get this idea from?” Rahul said.”Now there are two possibilities. Either Amit Shah gave the order to shoot people with pellet guns, beat people with lathis with nails, and use electric batons, or he did not know it was happening. If he did not know, he is incompetent. If he ordered it, he is culpable. In either case, he has to go. And every single child who has been beaten must know this,” he added.”We are not asking for anything that is out of the ordinary. At least have the decency to take responsibility for what you have done,” he further said.3 promises to studentsDuring the press conference, Rahul Gandhi also made three promises to students affected by the alleged police action. He said the he would ensure justice for the injured students, punish those responsible for the alleged use of pellet guns, and hold those involved accountable.”We will ensure that the students who were beaten, maybe not today, maybe sometime from now, but we will ensure that every single one of those students who was beaten gets justice,” he said.”We will ensure that the people who shot our students with pellet guns will be punished. It’s very simple for us to do. We have the photographs. We’ve collected all the videos and all the photographs. We know the police officers who have done it,” Rahul said.”So, you might think you’re very smart, but accountability is going to come. This is our guarantee. This is our guarantee to the students,” he said.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos’Detaining Activists Is Normal’: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersWho Is V Kamakoti? IIT Madras Director And Exam Reforms Task Force Member Draws Political FireKhawaja Asif Calls POK Protesters “Enemies Like India” Amid Deadly Crackdown; Statement Sparks StirLok Sabha Passes Anti-Paper Leak Bill Amid Ruckus Over Rahul’s ‘Shooting’ Charge Against Amit Shah’Put Pellets Into Blood Of Our Students,’ Rahul Gandhi’s Attack On Hm Shah In LS Sparks Uproar’Student, Idiot, Andhbhakt’: Rahul Gandhi’s ‘3 Categories’ Remark Sparks Row In Lok SabhaPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World’s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! 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NEW DELHI: The Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board on Wednesday approved a proposal to construct a temple dedicated to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with a board member saying the prime minister had given the transgender community “respect and rights”.The proposal was moved by board member Ranjan Singh during the maiden meeting of the board, which functions under the Bihar government’s Social Welfare Department.”Since the transgender community in Bihar does not have a temple of its own, I proposed to build a temple for Narendra Modi because he gave us respect and rights. The proposal received the support of all members and was approved by the board,” Singh told PTI.The Bihar government constituted the Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board in August last year to safeguard the rights of the transgender community and undertake measures for its social development and empowerment.According to Singh, Wednesday’s meeting was the first gathering of the board after the implementation of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019.”Today’s meeting marked the first gathering of the Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board following the enactment of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, which provided the transgender community with institutional representation in the state secretariat,” Singh said.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World’s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri’Most Filthy Type Of Man’: Rahul, Priyanka Gandhi Attack Pralhad Joshi; Massive Ruckus In ParlWhy Delhi-NCR Flooded Again As Four Weather Systems Combined With Years Of Planning Failures’Students Want Justice, Not Charity’: Priyanka Gandhi’s Explosive Speech On Paper Leaks Rocks LSMizoram Minister Opens Up On Drug Menace, Myanmar Border, Disaster Readiness & Ties With Centre”You Removed One Pradhan To Save The PM”: Paper Leak Bill Triggers Massive Showdown In ParliamentPolice Diary Reportedly Reveals RAF Fired Anti-Riot Guns During Jantar Mantar Protest | Watch123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari’s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn’t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegationsHollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more”Your child is always watching you”: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child’s futureWant more blooms? Prune these 5 garden plants in AugustWhy Indians have added ghee to hot rice for generations, according to scienceThe truth about Kumkumadi tailam: Know why it doesn’t deliver the same results for everyoneLeftover rotis? Try these 9 desi lunch dishes that pack 14–22g proteinHow to grow and care for lucky bamboo: An easy step-by-step guide for beginners123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay’s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingKangana RanautJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up

NEW DELHI: The Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board on Wednesday approved a proposal to construct a temple dedicated to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with a board member saying the prime minister had given the transgender community “respect and rights”.The proposal was moved by board member Ranjan Singh during the maiden meeting of the board, which functions under the Bihar government’s Social Welfare Department.”Since the transgender community in Bihar does not have a temple of its own, I proposed to build a temple for Narendra Modi because he gave us respect and rights. The proposal received the support of all members and was approved by the board,” Singh told PTI.The Bihar government constituted the Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board in August last year to safeguard the rights of the transgender community and undertake measures for its social development and empowerment.According to Singh, Wednesday’s meeting was the first gathering of the board after the implementation of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019.”Today’s meeting marked the first gathering of the Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board following the enactment of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, which provided the transgender community with institutional representation in the state secretariat,” Singh said.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World’s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri’Most Filthy Type Of Man’: Rahul, Priyanka Gandhi Attack Pralhad Joshi; Massive Ruckus In ParlWhy Delhi-NCR Flooded Again As Four Weather Systems Combined With Years Of Planning Failures’Students Want Justice, Not Charity’: Priyanka Gandhi’s Explosive Speech On Paper Leaks Rocks LSMizoram Minister Opens Up On Drug Menace, Myanmar Border, Disaster Readiness & Ties With Centre”You Removed One Pradhan To Save The PM”: Paper Leak Bill Triggers Massive Showdown In ParliamentPolice Diary Reportedly Reveals RAF Fired Anti-Riot Guns During Jantar Mantar Protest | Watch123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari’s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn’t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegationsHollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more”Your child is always watching you”: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child’s futureWant more blooms? Prune these 5 garden plants in AugustWhy Indians have added ghee to hot rice for generations, according to scienceThe truth about Kumkumadi tailam: Know why it doesn’t deliver the same results for everyoneLeftover rotis? Try these 9 desi lunch dishes that pack 14–22g proteinHow to grow and care for lucky bamboo: An easy step-by-step guide for beginners123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay’s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingKangana RanautJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up

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