May 19, 2026

AI-generated image “We the people of India” saved the nation during Covid by “living like soldiers”. Today, citizens are again being asked to help the country by “living responsibly”.The language has changed from pandemic precautions to economic discipline, but the political pattern feels familiar.One way to detect coming trouble is to watch how governments speak. When administrations begin talking less about policy and more about behaviour — conserving fuel, avoiding excess spending, reducing travel, consuming responsibly — it often means the state is psychologically preparing society for harder economic measures.India has now seen this twice within five years: during Covid and now during the ongoing Gulf crisis triggered by the US-Israrel-Iran war.In both moments, governance shifted from direct administration to behavioural management. Citizens were no longer treated merely as taxpayers or voters, but as participants in national survival.The BJP-led NDA government has in the past resorted to direct administration when it believed it was necessary. Demonetisation, the rollout of GST are examples of high-impact executive action that had a huge impact on public life.However, during periods of economic or geopolitical stress, the Centre often changes tone before it changes policy.This is the politics of behavioural governance, and it may be one of the clearest early warning signs of a nation facing stress.The grammar of distressPrime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent speech in Hyderabad carried echoes familiar to anyone who remembers the pandemic years. The message was framed as an appeal, not an emergency order. There was no announcement of rationing or restrictions. Instead, the emphasis was on restraint, conservation and collective responsibility.The tone mattered.Governments rarely begin crisis management with force. They begin with persuasion.Economists often describe this as behavioural economics applied to governance — influencing public decision-making through messaging rather than compulsion. Instead of immediately imposing harsh measures, governments attempt to gently reshape behaviour first: consume less fuel, postpone discretionary spending, reduce imports, avoid panic buying, travel differently, work from home where possible.“The basic economics is that behavioural appeals are generally fast and low-cost because major fiscal interventions—subsidies, tax changes, stimulus packages, rationing systems, or price controls — require legislative approval, budget allocation, administrative coordination, and so on. Whereas, behavioural appeals, or a sort of signal, which sometimes also called ‘demand-side adjustment through norms’, shift part of the adjustment burden onto citizens voluntarily, reducing immediate state expenditure,” said Surya Bhushan, an alumnus of CESP, JNU, and now economics professor at DMI, Patna.Adding a political logic to it, he said “behavioural messaging avoids politically painful policies”.Are crises psychological before they get administrative?Economic distress is not only about shortages or numbers on a spreadsheet. They are also about public emotion.Bhushan argues that governments increasingly recognise this psychological dimension.“Crises are often partly psychological … economic crises are not only about material shortages; expectations matter enormously. For instance, if consumers panic: they hoard, rush to banks, speculate, overbuy fuel, or trigger inflationary spirals. In this regard, behavioural appeals aim to stabilize expectations and reduce panic behaviour.”This helps explain why official communication during crises often sounds calm even when underlying risks are serious. The objective is not only economic management, but emotional management.The speech itself becomes an economic tool.That was visible during Covid. It is visible again now amid fears surrounding oil supply disruptions and instability in the Persian Gulf that has impacted countries across the globe.Has India seen this form of governance before?Yes, long before behavioural governance became an academic phrase, governments were already using it during moments of national stress.During the 1962 India-China war, then PM Jawaharlal Nehru appealed directly to citizens not merely for support, but for participation. Asking Indians to contribute to the Prime Minister’s National Defence Fund, he framed the war effort as a collective civic responsibility rather than a task for the state alone.“The hardships which our soldiers are facing are not unknown to you,” Nehru said, urging citizens to become “comrades in this great struggle”.The appeal was not only financial. It psychologically transformed civilians into stakeholders in national defence.A similar pattern emerged during the 1965 Indo-Pak war, when Lal Bahadur Shastri urged citizens to voluntarily fast once a week to conserve food supplies amid shortages. Importantly, Shastri reportedly implemented the practice within his own household before asking the country to follow, giving the appeal moral legitimacy.By the 1971 war and the Bangladesh refugee crisis, behavioural messaging had become even more explicit. With the country’s economy under severe strain, Indira Gandhi appealed for “stern national discipline” and sacrifice.“Our factories and farms must produce more. Our railways and our entire transport and communication system must work uninterruptedly,” she said, warning that “everything must be subordinated” to preserving national stability.What connects these moments across decades is the language of collective duty. During crises, governments begin treating citizens not simply as governed populations, but as instruments of national resilience.The current appeals around fuel conservation, restrained consumption and “duty-first” behaviour follow the same political grammar — only updated for a modern economy shaped by oil shocks, global supply chains and digital life.The recent fuel price increase is a case in point.Petrol and diesel prices are not just economic indicators in India. They are deeply political symbols. Fuel prices shape transport costs, food inflation and household budgets, affecting nearly every layer of daily life. That is perhaps why fuel prices were not raised in the last four years.Finally, when the fuel prices were hiked it was timed to avoid the ongoing assembly election period despite rising global crude prices linked to West Asian tensions. Economically, the increase reflected global pressures. Politically, the timing reflected management.And before citizens fully processed the implications, the language of conservation had already entered public discourse.Why oil shocks hit India so deeply?India’s vulnerability to energy shocks makes behavioural governance especially relevant.Bhushan points out that oil is not just another commodity in the Indian economy: “Of course, India is structurally vulnerable to a prolonged oil-supply disruption because crude oil sits at the center of multiple systems simultaneously: transport, agriculture, logistics, chemicals, inflation management, fiscal stability, and the rupee itself.”That interconnectedness explains why governments become cautious when disruptions emerge around the Strait of Hormuz or the wider Gulf region. A sustained oil shock quickly spills into inflation, transport costs, fertiliser prices, currency pressure and household budgets.“What needs to be kept in mind is that the government had already cushioned the impact by cutting the excise duty on petrol and diesel by Rs 10 at the end of March. That has significant fiscal impact on the finances of both the Central and state governments,” said Ananth Krishna Varahe, head of the Nation First Policy Research Centre (NFPRC).“As a country without significant petroleum resources, we are downstream of a huge oil shock that we have more or less not seen the full effect of. The Government of India has taken in my opinion a calibrated approach in managing that shock to the domestic economy, which was the only right approach,” he added.He further argued that rising prices were unavoidable “considering that the OMCs were making losses up to Rs 1,000 crore a day”.How does behavioural governance work?Behavioural governance works by making citizens feel like active participants in managing a national crisis rather than passive subjects of state control. Governments first shape public behaviour through emotion, symbolism and collective responsibility before enforcing stricter measures.The Covid-19 pandemic offered perhaps the clearest example of this strategy.Before the nationwide lockdown was announced, Prime Minister Narendra Modi appealed for a voluntary “Janta Curfew” on March 22, 2020. There was no immediate coercive enforcement attached to it. Yet millions across the country stayed indoors, roads emptied, markets shut and public life paused almost entirely.What made the appeal effective was not law, but psychological mobilisation.The language used during the period deliberately transformed ordinary citizens into participants in a national mission. PM Modi repeatedly framed the pandemic as a collective battle and citizens as “soldiers” fighting it together.A similar vocabulary is visible again in the current Gulf-linked economic stress. Speaking at a public event in Secunderabad, PM Modi argued that rising global energy prices and supply-chain disruptions required “collective restraint” and a “duty-first” approach from citizens, once again framing behavioural adjustment as part of a national response.“Crises are often partly psychological … economic crises are not only about material shortages; expectations matter enormously,” said Bhushan.Can everyone equally participate in ‘national sacrifice’?Behavioural governance works best when sacrifice appears collective. But in practice, the ability to participate in it is deeply unequal.The Covid experience exposed this divide sharply. While sections of the middle class shifted to online meetings, home offices and app-based services, millions of migrant workers and informal labourers faced immediate economic collapse once transportation systems shut down and work disappeared almost overnight.The migrant crisis during the lockdown became one of the starkest reminders of how unevenly national sacrifice is experienced. As cities closed and transport networks stopped, thousands of migrant workers were forced to walk hundreds of kilometres back to their villages, often without income, food or shelter. For many of them, “staying home” was never a realistic option because survival itself depended on physical mobility and daily wages.“Behavioural austerity has hard limits, we all know because of informality of the economy, like, a street vendor, factory worker, truck driver, or migrant labourer cannot easily ‘opt out’ of fuel dependence. So we still need to think and work towards energy security,” Bhushan said.Crisis management or shifting responsibility?Many argue that behavioural governance builds resilience during emergencies. Encouraging lower fuel consumption, restrained imports and moderated spending can genuinely reduce pressure on foreign exchange reserves during periods of global instability.Critics, however, ask where responsible citizenship ends and the shifting of state responsibility begins.Varahe rejected the argument that responsibility is being outsourced to citizens. “The state responsibility has not been ‘shifted’. While there has been a ‘call to action’ from the PM himself, the Government has introduced measures to increase duty on imported gold or cap import of duty free gold. Similarly, the petrol/diesel prices have been increased. There are likely going to be many other measures that the Government will take.”He argued that the government is attempting to balance intervention with economic flexibility.“The line of thought is that the citizen should be pointed to ideal action, but not limited from making their own decisions.”Behavioural governance works because it turns citizens from passive recipients of policy into participants in crisis management. But it also raises a difficult question: how much of the burden of crisis should be absorbed by citizens themselves?That is why political language matters during uncertain times. When leaders begin speaking about discipline, restraint, conservation and sacrifice, they are also preparing society psychologically for the turbulence ahead.The speech becomes a policy instrument.And perhaps that is the real warning sign of a crisis – not when governments impose restrictions, but when they begin asking citizens to voluntarily change how they live.About the AuthorAastha JhaAastha Jha is a writer at The Times of India, covering politics. She also writes on business, global affairs, social issues, with a focus on policy, governance and their impact on everyday lives. Her work brings together reportage and analysis, tracking developments in India and abroad while examining the broader social and economic currents shaping public discourse.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘The World Needs More Sambandh’: Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir Praises PM Modi At Oslo SummitTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Pulls Out Of Falta Re-Poll 2 Days Before Voting | Headlines@9Out On Bail, Rape Accused Gets Grand Welcome In UP’s GhaziabadKanpur: ITBP Soldier Carries Mother’s Severed Hand to Police HQ After Alleged Hospital NegligenceFrom Islampura Back To Krishan Nagar: Pakistan Moves To Restore Lahore’s Pre-Partition Names’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-Pharmacies123PhotostoriesThink they’re polar bears? These 5 dogs can easily fool youDelhi records 44°C temperature: Ministry of Ayush recommends 12 foods and drinks for protection against heat-related illnessesVaping vs cigarettes: Why cancer doctors say young adults should stop believing the “safer alternative” mythSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike

Vamsikrishna010 mins mins
AI-generated image “We the people of India” saved the nation during Covid by “living like soldiers”. Today, citizens are again being asked to help the country by “living responsibly”.The language has changed from pandemic precautions to economic discipline, but the political pattern feels familiar.One way to detect coming trouble is to watch how governments speak. When administrations begin talking less about policy and more about behaviour — conserving fuel, avoiding excess spending, reducing travel, consuming responsibly — it often means the state is psychologically preparing society for harder economic measures.India has now seen this twice within five years: during Covid and now during the ongoing Gulf crisis triggered by the US-Israrel-Iran war.In both moments, governance shifted from direct administration to behavioural management. Citizens were no longer treated merely as taxpayers or voters, but as participants in national survival.The BJP-led NDA government has in the past resorted to direct administration when it believed it was necessary. Demonetisation, the rollout of GST are examples of high-impact executive action that had a huge impact on public life.However, during periods of economic or geopolitical stress, the Centre often changes tone before it changes policy.This is the politics of behavioural governance, and it may be one of the clearest early warning signs of a nation facing stress.The grammar of distressPrime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent speech in Hyderabad carried echoes familiar to anyone who remembers the pandemic years. The message was framed as an appeal, not an emergency order. There was no announcement of rationing or restrictions. Instead, the emphasis was on restraint, conservation and collective responsibility.The tone mattered.Governments rarely begin crisis management with force. They begin with persuasion.Economists often describe this as behavioural economics applied to governance — influencing public decision-making through messaging rather than compulsion. Instead of immediately imposing harsh measures, governments attempt to gently reshape behaviour first: consume less fuel, postpone discretionary spending, reduce imports, avoid panic buying, travel differently, work from home where possible.“The basic economics is that behavioural appeals are generally fast and low-cost because major fiscal interventions—subsidies, tax changes, stimulus packages, rationing systems, or price controls — require legislative approval, budget allocation, administrative coordination, and so on. Whereas, behavioural appeals, or a sort of signal, which sometimes also called ‘demand-side adjustment through norms’, shift part of the adjustment burden onto citizens voluntarily, reducing immediate state expenditure,” said Surya Bhushan, an alumnus of CESP, JNU, and now economics professor at DMI, Patna.Adding a political logic to it, he said “behavioural messaging avoids politically painful policies”.Are crises psychological before they get administrative?Economic distress is not only about shortages or numbers on a spreadsheet. They are also about public emotion.Bhushan argues that governments increasingly recognise this psychological dimension.“Crises are often partly psychological … economic crises are not only about material shortages; expectations matter enormously. For instance, if consumers panic: they hoard, rush to banks, speculate, overbuy fuel, or trigger inflationary spirals. In this regard, behavioural appeals aim to stabilize expectations and reduce panic behaviour.”This helps explain why official communication during crises often sounds calm even when underlying risks are serious. The objective is not only economic management, but emotional management.The speech itself becomes an economic tool.That was visible during Covid. It is visible again now amid fears surrounding oil supply disruptions and instability in the Persian Gulf that has impacted countries across the globe.Has India seen this form of governance before?Yes, long before behavioural governance became an academic phrase, governments were already using it during moments of national stress.During the 1962 India-China war, then PM Jawaharlal Nehru appealed directly to citizens not merely for support, but for participation. Asking Indians to contribute to the Prime Minister’s National Defence Fund, he framed the war effort as a collective civic responsibility rather than a task for the state alone.“The hardships which our soldiers are facing are not unknown to you,” Nehru said, urging citizens to become “comrades in this great struggle”.The appeal was not only financial. It psychologically transformed civilians into stakeholders in national defence.A similar pattern emerged during the 1965 Indo-Pak war, when Lal Bahadur Shastri urged citizens to voluntarily fast once a week to conserve food supplies amid shortages. Importantly, Shastri reportedly implemented the practice within his own household before asking the country to follow, giving the appeal moral legitimacy.By the 1971 war and the Bangladesh refugee crisis, behavioural messaging had become even more explicit. With the country’s economy under severe strain, Indira Gandhi appealed for “stern national discipline” and sacrifice.“Our factories and farms must produce more. Our railways and our entire transport and communication system must work uninterruptedly,” she said, warning that “everything must be subordinated” to preserving national stability.What connects these moments across decades is the language of collective duty. During crises, governments begin treating citizens not simply as governed populations, but as instruments of national resilience.The current appeals around fuel conservation, restrained consumption and “duty-first” behaviour follow the same political grammar — only updated for a modern economy shaped by oil shocks, global supply chains and digital life.The recent fuel price increase is a case in point.Petrol and diesel prices are not just economic indicators in India. They are deeply political symbols. Fuel prices shape transport costs, food inflation and household budgets, affecting nearly every layer of daily life. That is perhaps why fuel prices were not raised in the last four years.Finally, when the fuel prices were hiked it was timed to avoid the ongoing assembly election period despite rising global crude prices linked to West Asian tensions. Economically, the increase reflected global pressures. Politically, the timing reflected management.And before citizens fully processed the implications, the language of conservation had already entered public discourse.Why oil shocks hit India so deeply?India’s vulnerability to energy shocks makes behavioural governance especially relevant.Bhushan points out that oil is not just another commodity in the Indian economy: “Of course, India is structurally vulnerable to a prolonged oil-supply disruption because crude oil sits at the center of multiple systems simultaneously: transport, agriculture, logistics, chemicals, inflation management, fiscal stability, and the rupee itself.”That interconnectedness explains why governments become cautious when disruptions emerge around the Strait of Hormuz or the wider Gulf region. A sustained oil shock quickly spills into inflation, transport costs, fertiliser prices, currency pressure and household budgets.“What needs to be kept in mind is that the government had already cushioned the impact by cutting the excise duty on petrol and diesel by Rs 10 at the end of March. That has significant fiscal impact on the finances of both the Central and state governments,” said Ananth Krishna Varahe, head of the Nation First Policy Research Centre (NFPRC).“As a country without significant petroleum resources, we are downstream of a huge oil shock that we have more or less not seen the full effect of. The Government of India has taken in my opinion a calibrated approach in managing that shock to the domestic economy, which was the only right approach,” he added.He further argued that rising prices were unavoidable “considering that the OMCs were making losses up to Rs 1,000 crore a day”.How does behavioural governance work?Behavioural governance works by making citizens feel like active participants in managing a national crisis rather than passive subjects of state control. Governments first shape public behaviour through emotion, symbolism and collective responsibility before enforcing stricter measures.The Covid-19 pandemic offered perhaps the clearest example of this strategy.Before the nationwide lockdown was announced, Prime Minister Narendra Modi appealed for a voluntary “Janta Curfew” on March 22, 2020. There was no immediate coercive enforcement attached to it. Yet millions across the country stayed indoors, roads emptied, markets shut and public life paused almost entirely.What made the appeal effective was not law, but psychological mobilisation.The language used during the period deliberately transformed ordinary citizens into participants in a national mission. PM Modi repeatedly framed the pandemic as a collective battle and citizens as “soldiers” fighting it together.A similar vocabulary is visible again in the current Gulf-linked economic stress. Speaking at a public event in Secunderabad, PM Modi argued that rising global energy prices and supply-chain disruptions required “collective restraint” and a “duty-first” approach from citizens, once again framing behavioural adjustment as part of a national response.“Crises are often partly psychological … economic crises are not only about material shortages; expectations matter enormously,” said Bhushan.Can everyone equally participate in ‘national sacrifice’?Behavioural governance works best when sacrifice appears collective. But in practice, the ability to participate in it is deeply unequal.The Covid experience exposed this divide sharply. While sections of the middle class shifted to online meetings, home offices and app-based services, millions of migrant workers and informal labourers faced immediate economic collapse once transportation systems shut down and work disappeared almost overnight.The migrant crisis during the lockdown became one of the starkest reminders of how unevenly national sacrifice is experienced. As cities closed and transport networks stopped, thousands of migrant workers were forced to walk hundreds of kilometres back to their villages, often without income, food or shelter. For many of them, “staying home” was never a realistic option because survival itself depended on physical mobility and daily wages.“Behavioural austerity has hard limits, we all know because of informality of the economy, like, a street vendor, factory worker, truck driver, or migrant labourer cannot easily ‘opt out’ of fuel dependence. So we still need to think and work towards energy security,” Bhushan said.Crisis management or shifting responsibility?Many argue that behavioural governance builds resilience during emergencies. Encouraging lower fuel consumption, restrained imports and moderated spending can genuinely reduce pressure on foreign exchange reserves during periods of global instability.Critics, however, ask where responsible citizenship ends and the shifting of state responsibility begins.Varahe rejected the argument that responsibility is being outsourced to citizens. “The state responsibility has not been ‘shifted’. While there has been a ‘call to action’ from the PM himself, the Government has introduced measures to increase duty on imported gold or cap import of duty free gold. Similarly, the petrol/diesel prices have been increased. There are likely going to be many other measures that the Government will take.”He argued that the government is attempting to balance intervention with economic flexibility.“The line of thought is that the citizen should be pointed to ideal action, but not limited from making their own decisions.”Behavioural governance works because it turns citizens from passive recipients of policy into participants in crisis management. But it also raises a difficult question: how much of the burden of crisis should be absorbed by citizens themselves?That is why political language matters during uncertain times. When leaders begin speaking about discipline, restraint, conservation and sacrifice, they are also preparing society psychologically for the turbulence ahead.The speech becomes a policy instrument.And perhaps that is the real warning sign of a crisis – not when governments impose restrictions, but when they begin asking citizens to voluntarily change how they live.About the AuthorAastha JhaAastha Jha is a writer at The Times of India, covering politics. She also writes on business, global affairs, social issues, with a focus on policy, governance and their impact on everyday lives. Her work brings together reportage and analysis, tracking developments in India and abroad while examining the broader social and economic currents shaping public discourse.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘The World Needs More Sambandh’: Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir Praises PM Modi At Oslo SummitTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Pulls Out Of Falta Re-Poll 2 Days Before Voting | Headlines@9Out On Bail, Rape Accused Gets Grand Welcome In UP’s GhaziabadKanpur: ITBP Soldier Carries Mother’s Severed Hand to Police HQ After Alleged Hospital NegligenceFrom Islampura Back To Krishan Nagar: Pakistan Moves To Restore Lahore’s Pre-Partition Names’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-Pharmacies123PhotostoriesThink they’re polar bears? These 5 dogs can easily fool youDelhi records 44°C temperature: Ministry of Ayush recommends 12 foods and drinks for protection against heat-related illnessesVaping vs cigarettes: Why cancer doctors say young adults should stop believing the “safer alternative” mythSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike


How to know when nation is under stress? When focus shifts to behavioural management

“We the people of India” saved the nation during Covid by “living like soldiers”. Today, citizens are again being asked to help the country by “living responsibly”.The language has changed from pandemic precautions to economic discipline, but the political pattern feels familiar.One way to detect coming trouble is to watch how governments speak. When administrations begin talking less about policy and more about behaviour — conserving fuel, avoiding excess spending, reducing travel, consuming responsibly — it often means the state is psychologically preparing society for harder economic measures.India has now seen this twice within five years: during Covid and now during the ongoing Gulf crisis triggered by the US-Israrel-Iran war.In both moments, governance shifted from direct administration to behavioural management. Citizens were no longer treated merely as taxpayers or voters, but as participants in national survival.The BJP-led NDA government has in the past resorted to direct administration when it believed it was necessary. Demonetisation, the rollout of GST are examples of high-impact executive action that had a huge impact on public life.However, during periods of economic or geopolitical stress, the Centre often changes tone before it changes policy.This is the politics of behavioural governance, and it may be one of the clearest early warning signs of a nation facing stress.

The grammar of distress

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent speech in Hyderabad carried echoes familiar to anyone who remembers the pandemic years. The message was framed as an appeal, not an emergency order. There was no announcement of rationing or restrictions. Instead, the emphasis was on restraint, conservation and collective responsibility.The tone mattered.

-

Governments rarely begin crisis management with force. They begin with persuasion.Economists often describe this as behavioural economics applied to governance — influencing public decision-making through messaging rather than compulsion. Instead of immediately imposing harsh measures, governments attempt to gently reshape behaviour first: consume less fuel, postpone discretionary spending, reduce imports, avoid panic buying, travel differently, work from home where possible.“The basic economics is that behavioural appeals are generally fast and low-cost because major fiscal interventions—subsidies, tax changes, stimulus packages, rationing systems, or price controls — require legislative approval, budget allocation, administrative coordination, and so on. Whereas, behavioural appeals, or a sort of signal, which sometimes also called ‘demand-side adjustment through norms’, shift part of the adjustment burden onto citizens voluntarily, reducing immediate state expenditure,” said Surya Bhushan, an alumnus of CESP, JNU, and now economics professor at DMI, Patna.Adding a political logic to it, he said “behavioural messaging avoids politically painful policies”.

Are crises psychological before they get administrative?

Economic distress is not only about shortages or numbers on a spreadsheet. They are also about public emotion.Bhushan argues that governments increasingly recognise this psychological dimension.“Crises are often partly psychological … economic crises are not only about material shortages; expectations matter enormously. For instance, if consumers panic: they hoard, rush to banks, speculate, overbuy fuel, or trigger inflationary spirals. In this regard, behavioural appeals aim to stabilize expectations and reduce panic behaviour.”This helps explain why official communication during crises often sounds calm even when underlying risks are serious. The objective is not only economic management, but emotional management.The speech itself becomes an economic tool.That was visible during Covid. It is visible again now amid fears surrounding oil supply disruptions and instability in the Persian Gulf that has impacted countries across the globe.

-

Has India seen this form of governance before?

Yes, long before behavioural governance became an academic phrase, governments were already using it during moments of national stress.During the 1962 India-China war, then PM Jawaharlal Nehru appealed directly to citizens not merely for support, but for participation. Asking Indians to contribute to the Prime Minister’s National Defence Fund, he framed the war effort as a collective civic responsibility rather than a task for the state alone.“The hardships which our soldiers are facing are not unknown to you,” Nehru said, urging citizens to become “comrades in this great struggle”.The appeal was not only financial. It psychologically transformed civilians into stakeholders in national defence.

-

A similar pattern emerged during the 1965 Indo-Pak war, when Lal Bahadur Shastri urged citizens to voluntarily fast once a week to conserve food supplies amid shortages. Importantly, Shastri reportedly implemented the practice within his own household before asking the country to follow, giving the appeal moral legitimacy.By the 1971 war and the Bangladesh refugee crisis, behavioural messaging had become even more explicit. With the country’s economy under severe strain, Indira Gandhi appealed for “stern national discipline” and sacrifice.“Our factories and farms must produce more. Our railways and our entire transport and communication system must work uninterruptedly,” she said, warning that “everything must be subordinated” to preserving national stability.What connects these moments across decades is the language of collective duty. During crises, governments begin treating citizens not simply as governed populations, but as instruments of national resilience.

-

The current appeals around fuel conservation, restrained consumption and “duty-first” behaviour follow the same political grammar — only updated for a modern economy shaped by oil shocks, global supply chains and digital life.The recent fuel price increase is a case in point.Petrol and diesel prices are not just economic indicators in India. They are deeply political symbols. Fuel prices shape transport costs, food inflation and household budgets, affecting nearly every layer of daily life. That is perhaps why fuel prices were not raised in the last four years.Finally, when the fuel prices were hiked it was timed to avoid the ongoing assembly election period despite rising global crude prices linked to West Asian tensions. Economically, the increase reflected global pressures. Politically, the timing reflected management.And before citizens fully processed the implications, the language of conservation had already entered public discourse.

Why oil shocks hit India so deeply?

India’s vulnerability to energy shocks makes behavioural governance especially relevant.Bhushan points out that oil is not just another commodity in the Indian economy: “Of course, India is structurally vulnerable to a prolonged oil-supply disruption because crude oil sits at the center of multiple systems simultaneously: transport, agriculture, logistics, chemicals, inflation management, fiscal stability, and the rupee itself.”That interconnectedness explains why governments become cautious when disruptions emerge around the Strait of Hormuz or the wider Gulf region. A sustained oil shock quickly spills into inflation, transport costs, fertiliser prices, currency pressure and household budgets.“What needs to be kept in mind is that the government had already cushioned the impact by cutting the excise duty on petrol and diesel by Rs 10 at the end of March. That has significant fiscal impact on the finances of both the Central and state governments,” said Ananth Krishna Varahe, head of the Nation First Policy Research Centre (NFPRC).“As a country without significant petroleum resources, we are downstream of a huge oil shock that we have more or less not seen the full effect of. The Government of India has taken in my opinion a calibrated approach in managing that shock to the domestic economy, which was the only right approach,” he added.He further argued that rising prices were unavoidable “considering that the OMCs were making losses up to Rs 1,000 crore a day”.

How does behavioural governance work?

Behavioural governance works by making citizens feel like active participants in managing a national crisis rather than passive subjects of state control. Governments first shape public behaviour through emotion, symbolism and collective responsibility before enforcing stricter measures.The Covid-19 pandemic offered perhaps the clearest example of this strategy.Before the nationwide lockdown was announced, Prime Minister Narendra Modi appealed for a voluntary “Janta Curfew” on March 22, 2020. There was no immediate coercive enforcement attached to it. Yet millions across the country stayed indoors, roads emptied, markets shut and public life paused almost entirely.What made the appeal effective was not law, but psychological mobilisation.The language used during the period deliberately transformed ordinary citizens into participants in a national mission. PM Modi repeatedly framed the pandemic as a collective battle and citizens as “soldiers” fighting it together.A similar vocabulary is visible again in the current Gulf-linked economic stress. Speaking at a public event in Secunderabad, PM Modi argued that rising global energy prices and supply-chain disruptions required “collective restraint” and a “duty-first” approach from citizens, once again framing behavioural adjustment as part of a national response.“Crises are often partly psychological … economic crises are not only about material shortages; expectations matter enormously,” said Bhushan.

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Can everyone equally participate in ‘national sacrifice’?

Behavioural governance works best when sacrifice appears collective. But in practice, the ability to participate in it is deeply unequal.The Covid experience exposed this divide sharply. While sections of the middle class shifted to online meetings, home offices and app-based services, millions of migrant workers and informal labourers faced immediate economic collapse once transportation systems shut down and work disappeared almost overnight.The migrant crisis during the lockdown became one of the starkest reminders of how unevenly national sacrifice is experienced. As cities closed and transport networks stopped, thousands of migrant workers were forced to walk hundreds of kilometres back to their villages, often without income, food or shelter. For many of them, “staying home” was never a realistic option because survival itself depended on physical mobility and daily wages.“Behavioural austerity has hard limits, we all know because of informality of the economy, like, a street vendor, factory worker, truck driver, or migrant labourer cannot easily ‘opt out’ of fuel dependence. So we still need to think and work towards energy security,” Bhushan said.

Crisis management or shifting responsibility?

Many argue that behavioural governance builds resilience during emergencies. Encouraging lower fuel consumption, restrained imports and moderated spending can genuinely reduce pressure on foreign exchange reserves during periods of global instability.Critics, however, ask where responsible citizenship ends and the shifting of state responsibility begins.Varahe rejected the argument that responsibility is being outsourced to citizens. “The state responsibility has not been ‘shifted’. While there has been a ‘call to action’ from the PM himself, the Government has introduced measures to increase duty on imported gold or cap import of duty free gold. Similarly, the petrol/diesel prices have been increased. There are likely going to be many other measures that the Government will take.”He argued that the government is attempting to balance intervention with economic flexibility.“The line of thought is that the citizen should be pointed to ideal action, but not limited from making their own decisions.”Behavioural governance works because it turns citizens from passive recipients of policy into participants in crisis management. But it also raises a difficult question: how much of the burden of crisis should be absorbed by citizens themselves?That is why political language matters during uncertain times. When leaders begin speaking about discipline, restraint, conservation and sacrifice, they are also preparing society psychologically for the turbulence ahead.The speech becomes a policy instrument.And perhaps that is the real warning sign of a crisis – not when governments impose restrictions, but when they begin asking citizens to voluntarily change how they live.



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Excerpts from the interview:Q: How did this book come about? A: Most of my books start with a character…, not anybody specific but someone from a village in the 1920s. That is what I was picturing in my mind: living in a village, growing there and then emerging from the village during that period, which coincides with the beginning of the independence struggle, India’s struggle. And I thought what would happen to a young man who heard about this… but it was all very vague in my mind. So I started by first creating that village. And that is how I thought of the parents, and then Devaraya came into being. Creating this village of Kesarugattu, which means the village of mud, was a very interesting experience… The initial chapters go very deep into the social fabric of village life and the complexities and the frictions and the companionship… Q: What were the creative liberties you took?Is it possible to have a universal blueprint of a village or caste structures? A: I think they are special to each place… People a hundred years ago took for granted that this hierarchy was necessary. And when anybody tried to break that hierarchy and did anything outside of it, there would be repercussions… The castes coexisted peacefully when people respected the boundaries, that was important for the upper castes. And upper castes don’t mind permeating other castes, but they don’t want others to rise… Devaraya himself is a Brahmin, but there is another Brahmin character who is the priest in the temple. And he has got very rigid notions and he cannot tolerate any intrusion. There is an instance in the book where a girl of about nine and her dog breach certain things that are sacred to the religion unwittingly. But the repercussions are very severe, on both. I imagined these stories. But because I work intimately with village people, I have seen the type of exploitation, injustice that happens. And people think it is all right, that is not considered injustice. It is like showing a person his or her proper place. Q: How much research did you do? A: I did very little research. If you know something intimately, then you sit back and let your imagination work. That means you let yourself go into those houses and you sit with your characters. You know, you’re eavesdropping on what they think, what they will do. When I landed upon this idea of this whole tragic thing that happens about Devaraya, that came to me in a sort of a flash… It is not a historic book, but history is always there in the foreground and in the background and so is caste. We cannot forget these two things in the course of that period of India’s history. And also it amazes me to think that we don’t pay enough attention to it… After I write everything, I will usually go back if I have mentioned dates or talked about a certain thing in history, I want to make sure that it is correct… I felt that the south had been ignored in fiction. Most of our leaders that we know of come from northern and western states. I did some amount of reading about that, like about Periyar Ramaswamy Iyer. There were many, many ordinary people in the south who gave up college, who gave up their jobs, they joined the freedom movement. Many were killed, many suffered, went to prison. Q: It was remarkable that you managed to carry memories across. A: My father was in politics and he had joined the freedom movement at a very young age. He had gone to prison. So although I was not born at that time,… sometimes you’d hear him talk about it, how they were punished, what was done, what the food was like. And I heard how the big leaders like Rajagopalachari or Kamaraj and Nehru, when they were in prison, would take classes for the younger people. They taught them economics, history, science. Those people took it upon themselves because they knew these young people had dropped out of college or left their jobs to join the struggle. And I’ve heard my father say that was the best education for him. So these were realities which I’ve used in the book in a different way. Q: Fiction lends itself to be a great repository of these historical details, lived memories, testimonies. A: At one of my readings in Bengaluru, there were a lot of old people. And many of them came to me later and said how much of it they remembered. They were telling me things I had heard about, but they had lived through it, and they loved the book because it brought back memories for them. Q: How did you switch so beautifully between the male and the female voices? A: I do spend a lot of time with the characters… I really try to give them space and I become a fly on the wall… Then only do I get that thing of a natural ‘what would this person do in such a situation?’ Not me, because otherwise I’ll be foisting my ideas and ideology on them. That is why when certain characters do things and I wouldn’t want them to do it, I’ll say, ‘oh no, please don’t do it’. But you know that that person is meant to do it… I feel for a writer it is very important to be able to deal with gender and not just identify on your side of your gender… And it’s when you understand the opposite that you better understand yourself also because the two are so intimately involved with each other through life. I feel there is a certain level of asexuality maybe that you have to bring into the writing at the same time conscious of gender and its implications. Q: What were the titles you discussed and how did this get selected? A: I didn’t discuss any other titles. A lot of people did ask me, ‘why Rising Sons?’ It was like some people felt the whole story was about men. But I feel I had no particular reason for anything. Like, I do have books in which male protagonists operate and I have also many in which it’s a female. But I think the story demands something and I do it. And ‘Rising Sons’, for me, was generational because there are so many people. There is Devaraya himself who has to rise. There are his two sons, his friends. To rise and do something was the domain of men during those years. Women held the fort, many of them did step into other types of work, but generally it was the men. And I think if you can understand the men, then you can understand what the women go through. End of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘The World Needs More Sambandh’: Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir Praises PM Modi At Oslo SummitTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Pulls Out Of Falta Re-Poll 2 Days Before Voting | Headlines@9Out On Bail, Rape Accused Gets Grand Welcome In UP’s GhaziabadKanpur: ITBP Soldier Carries Mother’s Severed Hand to Police HQ After Alleged Hospital NegligenceFrom Islampura Back To Krishan Nagar: Pakistan Moves To Restore Lahore’s Pre-Partition Names’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-Pharmacies123PhotostoriesDelhi records 44°C temperature: Ministry of Ayush recommends 12 foods and drinks for protection against heat-related illnessesVaping vs cigarettes: Why cancer doctors say young adults should stop believing the “safer alternative” mythSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally5 snake parks in India where travellers can spot rare and venomous species and how to reach them123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike

Excerpts from the interview:Q: How did this book come about? A: Most of my books start with a character…, not anybody specific but someone from a village in the 1920s. That is what I was picturing in my mind: living in a village, growing there and then emerging from the village during that period, which coincides with the beginning of the independence struggle, India’s struggle. And I thought what would happen to a young man who heard about this… but it was all very vague in my mind. So I started by first creating that village. And that is how I thought of the parents, and then Devaraya came into being. Creating this village of Kesarugattu, which means the village of mud, was a very interesting experience… The initial chapters go very deep into the social fabric of village life and the complexities and the frictions and the companionship… Q: What were the creative liberties you took?Is it possible to have a universal blueprint of a village or caste structures? A: I think they are special to each place… People a hundred years ago took for granted that this hierarchy was necessary. And when anybody tried to break that hierarchy and did anything outside of it, there would be repercussions… The castes coexisted peacefully when people respected the boundaries, that was important for the upper castes. And upper castes don’t mind permeating other castes, but they don’t want others to rise… Devaraya himself is a Brahmin, but there is another Brahmin character who is the priest in the temple. And he has got very rigid notions and he cannot tolerate any intrusion. There is an instance in the book where a girl of about nine and her dog breach certain things that are sacred to the religion unwittingly. But the repercussions are very severe, on both. I imagined these stories. But because I work intimately with village people, I have seen the type of exploitation, injustice that happens. And people think it is all right, that is not considered injustice. It is like showing a person his or her proper place. Q: How much research did you do? A: I did very little research. If you know something intimately, then you sit back and let your imagination work. That means you let yourself go into those houses and you sit with your characters. You know, you’re eavesdropping on what they think, what they will do. When I landed upon this idea of this whole tragic thing that happens about Devaraya, that came to me in a sort of a flash… It is not a historic book, but history is always there in the foreground and in the background and so is caste. We cannot forget these two things in the course of that period of India’s history. And also it amazes me to think that we don’t pay enough attention to it… After I write everything, I will usually go back if I have mentioned dates or talked about a certain thing in history, I want to make sure that it is correct… I felt that the south had been ignored in fiction. Most of our leaders that we know of come from northern and western states. I did some amount of reading about that, like about Periyar Ramaswamy Iyer. There were many, many ordinary people in the south who gave up college, who gave up their jobs, they joined the freedom movement. Many were killed, many suffered, went to prison. Q: It was remarkable that you managed to carry memories across. A: My father was in politics and he had joined the freedom movement at a very young age. He had gone to prison. So although I was not born at that time,… sometimes you’d hear him talk about it, how they were punished, what was done, what the food was like. And I heard how the big leaders like Rajagopalachari or Kamaraj and Nehru, when they were in prison, would take classes for the younger people. They taught them economics, history, science. Those people took it upon themselves because they knew these young people had dropped out of college or left their jobs to join the struggle. And I’ve heard my father say that was the best education for him. So these were realities which I’ve used in the book in a different way. Q: Fiction lends itself to be a great repository of these historical details, lived memories, testimonies. A: At one of my readings in Bengaluru, there were a lot of old people. And many of them came to me later and said how much of it they remembered. They were telling me things I had heard about, but they had lived through it, and they loved the book because it brought back memories for them. Q: How did you switch so beautifully between the male and the female voices? A: I do spend a lot of time with the characters… I really try to give them space and I become a fly on the wall… Then only do I get that thing of a natural ‘what would this person do in such a situation?’ Not me, because otherwise I’ll be foisting my ideas and ideology on them. That is why when certain characters do things and I wouldn’t want them to do it, I’ll say, ‘oh no, please don’t do it’. But you know that that person is meant to do it… I feel for a writer it is very important to be able to deal with gender and not just identify on your side of your gender… And it’s when you understand the opposite that you better understand yourself also because the two are so intimately involved with each other through life. I feel there is a certain level of asexuality maybe that you have to bring into the writing at the same time conscious of gender and its implications. Q: What were the titles you discussed and how did this get selected? A: I didn’t discuss any other titles. A lot of people did ask me, ‘why Rising Sons?’ It was like some people felt the whole story was about men. But I feel I had no particular reason for anything. Like, I do have books in which male protagonists operate and I have also many in which it’s a female. But I think the story demands something and I do it. And ‘Rising Sons’, for me, was generational because there are so many people. There is Devaraya himself who has to rise. There are his two sons, his friends. To rise and do something was the domain of men during those years. Women held the fort, many of them did step into other types of work, but generally it was the men. And I think if you can understand the men, then you can understand what the women go through. End of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘The World Needs More Sambandh’: Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir Praises PM Modi At Oslo SummitTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Pulls Out Of Falta Re-Poll 2 Days Before Voting | Headlines@9Out On Bail, Rape Accused Gets Grand Welcome In UP’s GhaziabadKanpur: ITBP Soldier Carries Mother’s Severed Hand to Police HQ After Alleged Hospital NegligenceFrom Islampura Back To Krishan Nagar: Pakistan Moves To Restore Lahore’s Pre-Partition Names’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-Pharmacies123PhotostoriesDelhi records 44°C temperature: Ministry of Ayush recommends 12 foods and drinks for protection against heat-related illnessesVaping vs cigarettes: Why cancer doctors say young adults should stop believing the “safer alternative” mythSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally5 snake parks in India where travellers can spot rare and venomous species and how to reach them123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike

Vamsikrishna 0
Vijay’s astrologer who predicted TVK victory a year ago was appointed as Officer on Special Duty (OSD), a decision which was later revoked. From scripted reel heroics performed with perfection to the unscripted challenges of real politics, it was baptism by fire for C. Joseph Vijay – who got a taste of realpolitik two days into office as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu. The actor-politician’s first political appointment triggered such a storm that he was forced to revoke it in a day.Vijay announced the appointment of Rickey Radhan Pandit Vettrivel, his longtime spiritual adviser and astrologer, as officer on special duty (OSD) on May 12 and revoked it on May 13.Interestingly, Rickey Radhan Pandit Vettrivel’s one-day stint would perhaps go down in the record books as the shortest stint for any officer on special duty (OSD) in Tamil Nadu chief minister’s office. Opposition parties accused Vijay of legitimising superstition using taxpayers’ money, while rationalist groups and even sections within his broader secular support base questioned how such an appointment fits into Tamil Nadu’s deeply Dravidian political culture.Ironically both – the controversy over appointment and then the abrupt removal – point to political moments not often seen in politics. While the appointment led to many questioning the political wisdom of the first-time politician, the retreat reflected his courage to bow down to public criticism – a trait rarely seen in today’s politics. Watch Vijay Takes Oath As Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Officially Assumes OfficeVijay not the first Vijay is not the first politician in Tamil Nadu to have an astrologer connection. MGR and his wife Janaki Ramachandran were big on astrology. Jayalalithaa was also into prayers, rituals, and astrology. So why did Vijay come in the firing line of not just his opponents but also allies? The answer is: Vijay did what most others avoided. “This was a first for any astrologer to come out in the open and claim he has been advising a chief ministerial aspirant and now the CM,” says political analyst R. Kannan, who has followed the state’s politics for decades.“Interestingly, Vijay’s astrologer was reportedly also the astrologer of Jayalalithaa,” he adds. “It is believed that the ‘auspicious date and time’ for MGR’s swearing-in in 1977 and 1980 were marked by Vidwan Lakshmanan, his ghost writer as well as an astrologer. Again in 1984, Cho Ramaswamy reveals that when MGR took seriously ill, his wife had approached him with MGR’s horoscope to consult the astrologers he knew and advice her if MGR would return from his medical treatment in the US healthy and will win the polls and return as CM. All three astrologers confirmed to Cho that MGR would return healthy and be reelected,” Kannan said.Late J. Jayalalithaa’s political life was deeply intertwined with astrology, rituals and temple ceremonies. During periods of political crisis — especially corruption cases and electoral uncertainty — reports frequently emerged of elaborate yajnas, special pujas and astrological consultations being conducted for her political recovery. “Jayalalithaa was also big on prayers, rituals, and astrology. But neither MGR nor Jayalalithaa discussed these things in public. Nor did their astrologers,” Kannan said.Jayalalitha taking blessings from head priest at Sr Vari Temple. (Photo by Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams)What does the law state?Was Vijay legally wrong to appoint his personal astrologer as OSD? The answer is “No”.Under Article 51A of the Constitution, India is a constitutional republic committed to scientific temper, humanism with ‘spirit of common brotherhood transcending religions, linguistic and regional diversities.’Supreme Court lawyer and constitutional expert Gyanant Singh states appointment of OSD in the chief minister’s office is a fully discretionary power of the chief minister. “As far as law is concerned, every state has its own business projects and concerns based on which the chief minister selects his advisers and his personal officers. Private people can be made OSD through government appointment at the pleasure of the minister or the chief minister and can be removed at any point,” Gynanant Singh saysExplaining the role of an OSD, Singh said, “The OSD is generally appointed to the rank of joint secretary. That goes as per the state finance department and the rank is stated in the appointment letter. The appointment letter includes the line that he will hold the rank of an official. The tenure would be at the pleasure of the chief minister but under the signature of secretary.So, why Vijay blinkedUnlike most political controversies, Vijay’s astrologer row did not end with defiance. It ended with retreat. The reversal was politically striking because not many politicians today do so – despite criticism or political attacks. Vijay got unprecedented support in the recent assembly elections. The youth of Tamil Nadu voted for him in large numbers. So, when some political opponents questioned the impact this row would have on the youngsters who looked up to him, Vijay could not afford to ignore the messaging debate. The actor-politician perhaps did not want to start his political innings on a controversial note and that perhaps explains why the actor-politician made a hasty retreat. “When it comes to Vijay’s case, it has nothing to do with power because the appointment was very much correct (not against law). Vijay backed out as he did not want public outrage. Generally, politicians do not go against public view. So, he may have reversed his decision to ensure that there is no adverse opinion about him or his appointment. Right now, people have confidence in him and whatever he does,” said Gyanant Singh. While Vijay buckled under pressure of criticism, his counterpart in West Bengal remained unfazed by attacks over his picks despite questions by the opposition. Adhikari faced criticism over appointments of a poll official, who oversaw the West Bengal assembly elections, and a working journalist into governance-linked roles. Suvendu, however, stuck to his decision. “In the West Bengal case, it is again the chief minister’s personal opinion. Law permits that as these appointments are at the discretion of the chief minister.”Suvendu, a seasoned politician, did what most others would do. And that is what perhaps makes Vijay’s reversal significant. The debate was never simply ‘can he legally appoint an astrologer?’ The larger question was: ‘Should taxpayer-funded state offices be used for appointments rooted in personal belief?’ And politically, Vijay appeared to accept that distinction when he revoked the order.The hidden influence of astrologers in Indian politicsBehind many public speeches around development and scientific temper, politics has long maintained a parallel culture of astrology, numerology, auspicious timings and spiritual consultations that cuts across ideology, region and party lines.The phenomenon predates modern India itself.When India attained Independence in 1947, even the timing of the transfer of power reportedly became entangled in astrological considerations. Some Hindu astrologers had reportedly raised concerns about August 15 being astrologically inauspicious. The midnight ceremony was eventually seen as a compromise between constitutional procedure and astrological advice, with Rajendra Prasad participating in religious rituals linked to the transition.Since then, almost every major phase of Indian politics has carried stories of leaders quietly depending on astrologers while publicly avoiding acknowledgment.Former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was linked to controversial spiritual figure Chandraswami, who later emerged as one of the most influential godmen in Delhi’s political circles during the 1980s and 1990s.Chandraswami’s rise reflected how spiritual advisers could operate as shadow political intermediaries. He cultivated relationships not only with Indian politicians but also businessmen, foreign leaders and bureaucrats. He dispensed spiritual advice to the Sultan of Brunei, Sheikh Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa of Bahrain, actress Elizabeth Taylor, British premier Margaret Thatcher and arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi among other famous figures. Over time, he became associated with power brokering, political networking and influence operations at the highest levels of government.Even leaders known for administrative sophistication were not immune to astrological influence. P. V. Narasimha Rao, credited with launching India’s economic liberalisation, was widely believed to have consulted astrologers regularly. Rao himself possessed deep knowledge of Hindu philosophy and Sanskrit texts, and political observers often described him as someone who blended intellectual pragmatism with spiritual belief.Former prime minister H. D. Deve Gowda has similarly long been associated with astrology and auspicious timings. Political schedules, oath ceremonies and even travel plans were often rumoured to be aligned with astrological consultations.Even in the era of hyper-modern politics and digital governance, such beliefs remain deeply embedded. The inauguration of India’s new Parliament building sparked debate not only over constitutional symbolism but also over the choice of ceremonial rituals and auspicious timing. Critics argued that state functions increasingly appeared intertwined with religious and astrological symbolism.Godman Chandraswami speaks during Maha Mastakabhisheka ceremony in Hubli next to Sri Gunadharanandi Maharaj, seer of the Sri Navagraha Teertha in Varoor as then-Karnataka CM B S Yeddyurappa. (TOI photo)From Lalu Prasad Yadav to Digvijay Singh – astrology in politics runs deepIn Bihar, Lalu Prasad Yadav and the Rashtriya Janata Dal faced criticism in 2017 after an astrologer appointment in the Chief Minister’s Office generated controversy similar to Vijay’s episode. Astrologer Shankar Charan Tripathi was appointed as the RJD national spokesperson but was later expelled when he spoke against Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.In Karnataka, B. S. Yediyurappa reportedly altered the spelling of his name to “B.S. Yeddyurappa” based on numerological advice, believing the modification would improve his political fortunes. Such numerological interventions are remarkably common in Indian politics, particularly in southern states where film and political cultures often overlap.In Maharashtra, members of the Shiv Sena family have long been associated with astrology and spiritual symbolism. Bal Thackeray was known for wearing multiple gemstone rings, which hold astrological significance. His grandson Aaditya Thackeray also attracted attention after modifying the spelling of his first name from “Aditya” to “Aaditya.”Lalu Yadav with astrologer Shankar Charan Tripathi. (File photo)In Madhya Pradesh, Digvijaya Singh openly spoke about astrology, spirituality and religious practices. The culture extends far beyond individual leaders. In Telangana, K. Chandrashekar Rao became known for conducting elaborate religious rituals after the formation of the state in 2014. His government frequently organised massive yajnas and temple ceremonies supposedly linked to prosperity and political stability. His son K. T. Rama Rao also drew public attention when the party altered colours and symbols associated with branding decisions that critics linked to astrological considerations.For all its modernity, electoral sophistication and constitutional language, Indian politics still remains profoundly shaped by faith, symbolism and the belief that power is influenced not only by voters and institutions, but also by the stars.The bond between politicians and astrologers is not new even though it’s rarely discussed in the open. Publicly, the politicians speak the language of governance and development. Privately, many consult astrologers before elections, cabinet expansions, oath ceremonies, party launches and even crisis-management decisions.About the AuthorNatasha SinghPrincipal Digital Content ProducerEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Pulls Out Of Falta Re-Poll 2 Days Before Voting | Headlines@9Out On Bail, Rape Accused Gets Grand Welcome In UP’s GhaziabadKanpur: ITBP Soldier Carries Mother’s Severed Hand to Police HQ After Alleged Hospital NegligenceFrom Islampura Back To Krishan Nagar: Pakistan Moves To Restore Lahore’s Pre-Partition Names’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-PharmaciesCommercial Vehicle Strike Announced In Delhi-NCR Over Fare Revision Demand123PhotostoriesDelhi records 44°C temperature: Ministry of Ayush recommends 12 foods and drinks for protection against heat-related illnessesVaping vs cigarettes: Why cancer doctors say young adults should stop believing the “safer alternative” mythSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally5 snake parks in India where travellers can spot rare and venomous species and how to reach them123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike

Vijay’s astrologer who predicted TVK victory a year ago was appointed as Officer on Special Duty (OSD), a decision which was later revoked. From scripted reel heroics performed with perfection to the unscripted challenges of real politics, it was baptism by fire for C. Joseph Vijay – who got a taste of realpolitik two days into office as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu. The actor-politician’s first political appointment triggered such a storm that he was forced to revoke it in a day.Vijay announced the appointment of Rickey Radhan Pandit Vettrivel, his longtime spiritual adviser and astrologer, as officer on special duty (OSD) on May 12 and revoked it on May 13.Interestingly, Rickey Radhan Pandit Vettrivel’s one-day stint would perhaps go down in the record books as the shortest stint for any officer on special duty (OSD) in Tamil Nadu chief minister’s office. Opposition parties accused Vijay of legitimising superstition using taxpayers’ money, while rationalist groups and even sections within his broader secular support base questioned how such an appointment fits into Tamil Nadu’s deeply Dravidian political culture.Ironically both – the controversy over appointment and then the abrupt removal – point to political moments not often seen in politics. While the appointment led to many questioning the political wisdom of the first-time politician, the retreat reflected his courage to bow down to public criticism – a trait rarely seen in today’s politics. Watch Vijay Takes Oath As Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Officially Assumes OfficeVijay not the first Vijay is not the first politician in Tamil Nadu to have an astrologer connection. MGR and his wife Janaki Ramachandran were big on astrology. Jayalalithaa was also into prayers, rituals, and astrology. So why did Vijay come in the firing line of not just his opponents but also allies? The answer is: Vijay did what most others avoided. “This was a first for any astrologer to come out in the open and claim he has been advising a chief ministerial aspirant and now the CM,” says political analyst R. Kannan, who has followed the state’s politics for decades.“Interestingly, Vijay’s astrologer was reportedly also the astrologer of Jayalalithaa,” he adds. “It is believed that the ‘auspicious date and time’ for MGR’s swearing-in in 1977 and 1980 were marked by Vidwan Lakshmanan, his ghost writer as well as an astrologer. Again in 1984, Cho Ramaswamy reveals that when MGR took seriously ill, his wife had approached him with MGR’s horoscope to consult the astrologers he knew and advice her if MGR would return from his medical treatment in the US healthy and will win the polls and return as CM. All three astrologers confirmed to Cho that MGR would return healthy and be reelected,” Kannan said.Late J. Jayalalithaa’s political life was deeply intertwined with astrology, rituals and temple ceremonies. During periods of political crisis — especially corruption cases and electoral uncertainty — reports frequently emerged of elaborate yajnas, special pujas and astrological consultations being conducted for her political recovery. “Jayalalithaa was also big on prayers, rituals, and astrology. But neither MGR nor Jayalalithaa discussed these things in public. Nor did their astrologers,” Kannan said.Jayalalitha taking blessings from head priest at Sr Vari Temple. (Photo by Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams)What does the law state?Was Vijay legally wrong to appoint his personal astrologer as OSD? The answer is “No”.Under Article 51A of the Constitution, India is a constitutional republic committed to scientific temper, humanism with ‘spirit of common brotherhood transcending religions, linguistic and regional diversities.’Supreme Court lawyer and constitutional expert Gyanant Singh states appointment of OSD in the chief minister’s office is a fully discretionary power of the chief minister. “As far as law is concerned, every state has its own business projects and concerns based on which the chief minister selects his advisers and his personal officers. Private people can be made OSD through government appointment at the pleasure of the minister or the chief minister and can be removed at any point,” Gynanant Singh saysExplaining the role of an OSD, Singh said, “The OSD is generally appointed to the rank of joint secretary. That goes as per the state finance department and the rank is stated in the appointment letter. The appointment letter includes the line that he will hold the rank of an official. The tenure would be at the pleasure of the chief minister but under the signature of secretary.So, why Vijay blinkedUnlike most political controversies, Vijay’s astrologer row did not end with defiance. It ended with retreat. The reversal was politically striking because not many politicians today do so – despite criticism or political attacks. Vijay got unprecedented support in the recent assembly elections. The youth of Tamil Nadu voted for him in large numbers. So, when some political opponents questioned the impact this row would have on the youngsters who looked up to him, Vijay could not afford to ignore the messaging debate. The actor-politician perhaps did not want to start his political innings on a controversial note and that perhaps explains why the actor-politician made a hasty retreat. “When it comes to Vijay’s case, it has nothing to do with power because the appointment was very much correct (not against law). Vijay backed out as he did not want public outrage. Generally, politicians do not go against public view. So, he may have reversed his decision to ensure that there is no adverse opinion about him or his appointment. Right now, people have confidence in him and whatever he does,” said Gyanant Singh. While Vijay buckled under pressure of criticism, his counterpart in West Bengal remained unfazed by attacks over his picks despite questions by the opposition. Adhikari faced criticism over appointments of a poll official, who oversaw the West Bengal assembly elections, and a working journalist into governance-linked roles. Suvendu, however, stuck to his decision. “In the West Bengal case, it is again the chief minister’s personal opinion. Law permits that as these appointments are at the discretion of the chief minister.”Suvendu, a seasoned politician, did what most others would do. And that is what perhaps makes Vijay’s reversal significant. The debate was never simply ‘can he legally appoint an astrologer?’ The larger question was: ‘Should taxpayer-funded state offices be used for appointments rooted in personal belief?’ And politically, Vijay appeared to accept that distinction when he revoked the order.The hidden influence of astrologers in Indian politicsBehind many public speeches around development and scientific temper, politics has long maintained a parallel culture of astrology, numerology, auspicious timings and spiritual consultations that cuts across ideology, region and party lines.The phenomenon predates modern India itself.When India attained Independence in 1947, even the timing of the transfer of power reportedly became entangled in astrological considerations. Some Hindu astrologers had reportedly raised concerns about August 15 being astrologically inauspicious. The midnight ceremony was eventually seen as a compromise between constitutional procedure and astrological advice, with Rajendra Prasad participating in religious rituals linked to the transition.Since then, almost every major phase of Indian politics has carried stories of leaders quietly depending on astrologers while publicly avoiding acknowledgment.Former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was linked to controversial spiritual figure Chandraswami, who later emerged as one of the most influential godmen in Delhi’s political circles during the 1980s and 1990s.Chandraswami’s rise reflected how spiritual advisers could operate as shadow political intermediaries. He cultivated relationships not only with Indian politicians but also businessmen, foreign leaders and bureaucrats. He dispensed spiritual advice to the Sultan of Brunei, Sheikh Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa of Bahrain, actress Elizabeth Taylor, British premier Margaret Thatcher and arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi among other famous figures. Over time, he became associated with power brokering, political networking and influence operations at the highest levels of government.Even leaders known for administrative sophistication were not immune to astrological influence. P. V. Narasimha Rao, credited with launching India’s economic liberalisation, was widely believed to have consulted astrologers regularly. Rao himself possessed deep knowledge of Hindu philosophy and Sanskrit texts, and political observers often described him as someone who blended intellectual pragmatism with spiritual belief.Former prime minister H. D. Deve Gowda has similarly long been associated with astrology and auspicious timings. Political schedules, oath ceremonies and even travel plans were often rumoured to be aligned with astrological consultations.Even in the era of hyper-modern politics and digital governance, such beliefs remain deeply embedded. The inauguration of India’s new Parliament building sparked debate not only over constitutional symbolism but also over the choice of ceremonial rituals and auspicious timing. Critics argued that state functions increasingly appeared intertwined with religious and astrological symbolism.Godman Chandraswami speaks during Maha Mastakabhisheka ceremony in Hubli next to Sri Gunadharanandi Maharaj, seer of the Sri Navagraha Teertha in Varoor as then-Karnataka CM B S Yeddyurappa. (TOI photo)From Lalu Prasad Yadav to Digvijay Singh – astrology in politics runs deepIn Bihar, Lalu Prasad Yadav and the Rashtriya Janata Dal faced criticism in 2017 after an astrologer appointment in the Chief Minister’s Office generated controversy similar to Vijay’s episode. Astrologer Shankar Charan Tripathi was appointed as the RJD national spokesperson but was later expelled when he spoke against Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.In Karnataka, B. S. Yediyurappa reportedly altered the spelling of his name to “B.S. Yeddyurappa” based on numerological advice, believing the modification would improve his political fortunes. Such numerological interventions are remarkably common in Indian politics, particularly in southern states where film and political cultures often overlap.In Maharashtra, members of the Shiv Sena family have long been associated with astrology and spiritual symbolism. Bal Thackeray was known for wearing multiple gemstone rings, which hold astrological significance. His grandson Aaditya Thackeray also attracted attention after modifying the spelling of his first name from “Aditya” to “Aaditya.”Lalu Yadav with astrologer Shankar Charan Tripathi. (File photo)In Madhya Pradesh, Digvijaya Singh openly spoke about astrology, spirituality and religious practices. The culture extends far beyond individual leaders. In Telangana, K. Chandrashekar Rao became known for conducting elaborate religious rituals after the formation of the state in 2014. His government frequently organised massive yajnas and temple ceremonies supposedly linked to prosperity and political stability. His son K. T. Rama Rao also drew public attention when the party altered colours and symbols associated with branding decisions that critics linked to astrological considerations.For all its modernity, electoral sophistication and constitutional language, Indian politics still remains profoundly shaped by faith, symbolism and the belief that power is influenced not only by voters and institutions, but also by the stars.The bond between politicians and astrologers is not new even though it’s rarely discussed in the open. Publicly, the politicians speak the language of governance and development. Privately, many consult astrologers before elections, cabinet expansions, oath ceremonies, party launches and even crisis-management decisions.About the AuthorNatasha SinghPrincipal Digital Content ProducerEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Pulls Out Of Falta Re-Poll 2 Days Before Voting | Headlines@9Out On Bail, Rape Accused Gets Grand Welcome In UP’s GhaziabadKanpur: ITBP Soldier Carries Mother’s Severed Hand to Police HQ After Alleged Hospital NegligenceFrom Islampura Back To Krishan Nagar: Pakistan Moves To Restore Lahore’s Pre-Partition Names’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-PharmaciesCommercial Vehicle Strike Announced In Delhi-NCR Over Fare Revision Demand123PhotostoriesDelhi records 44°C temperature: Ministry of Ayush recommends 12 foods and drinks for protection against heat-related illnessesVaping vs cigarettes: Why cancer doctors say young adults should stop believing the “safer alternative” mythSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally5 snake parks in India where travellers can spot rare and venomous species and how to reach them123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike

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NEW DELHI: Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir drew attention to the word “sambandh,” noting its linguistic and emotional resonance between India and Iceland. Speaking during the India-Nordic Summit on Tuesday, the remarks came in response to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s use of the word where he highlighted that in several Nordic languages, the word had the same meaning as in Hindi.”We’ve seen through the free trade agreements that Prime Minister Modi addressed an increase in investment coming from Iceland into India. So there are so many things that we can do together, and I just have to address, I love that word ‘Sambandh’. This is such a purely Icelandic word, and people will be very devoted to this language, Prime Minister Modi, because this is what people need. They need more ‘sambandh’ today,” Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir said.PM Modi had used the word to bring to attention the “closeness of our thoughts”. “Today, I used the word ‘sambandh’ many times. In several Nordic languages, the word ‘sambandh’ means connection, relations, a bond. In Hindi too, ‘sambandh’ carries the same meaning. This is not just a similarity of words, it reflects the closeness of our thoughts. Let us deepen the bonds between us in every field and make the India-Nordic partnership a model of shared prosperity, innovation, and a sustainable future,” he said.The summit convened leaders from India and the Nordic nations, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden, to chart a shared vision for future cooperation, with a strong focus on sustainability, environmental responsibility, and advanced technological collaboration.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-PharmaciesCommercial Vehicle Strike Announced In Delhi-NCR Over Fare Revision DemandManipur Hostage Crisis Deepens; UNC Blockade, Kuki Shutdown Intensify Pressure On GovtThree Coaches Of Ujjain Express Derail Near Rishikesh, Railway Safety Procedures Under ScrutinyTamil Nadu TVK MLA Performs 30-Minute Ritual Float In Well For Vijay, Sparks Online DebateSC Refuses Stay On Stray Dog Removal From Public Places; Orders Strict ABC Rule Compliance123PhotostoriesSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally5 snake parks in India where travellers can spot rare and venomous species and how to reach themJapandi vs Scandinavian interiors: Which suits Indian homes better?Wood Apple or Bael: 6 reasons to consume this superfruit and the easiest way to do it123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike

NEW DELHI: Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir drew attention to the word “sambandh,” noting its linguistic and emotional resonance between India and Iceland. Speaking during the India-Nordic Summit on Tuesday, the remarks came in response to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s use of the word where he highlighted that in several Nordic languages, the word had the same meaning as in Hindi.”We’ve seen through the free trade agreements that Prime Minister Modi addressed an increase in investment coming from Iceland into India. So there are so many things that we can do together, and I just have to address, I love that word ‘Sambandh’. This is such a purely Icelandic word, and people will be very devoted to this language, Prime Minister Modi, because this is what people need. They need more ‘sambandh’ today,” Iceland PM Kristrún Frostadóttir said.PM Modi had used the word to bring to attention the “closeness of our thoughts”. “Today, I used the word ‘sambandh’ many times. In several Nordic languages, the word ‘sambandh’ means connection, relations, a bond. In Hindi too, ‘sambandh’ carries the same meaning. This is not just a similarity of words, it reflects the closeness of our thoughts. Let us deepen the bonds between us in every field and make the India-Nordic partnership a model of shared prosperity, innovation, and a sustainable future,” he said.The summit convened leaders from India and the Nordic nations, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden, to chart a shared vision for future cooperation, with a strong focus on sustainability, environmental responsibility, and advanced technological collaboration.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos’New Sunrise’: Amit Shah Unveils Bastar Development Push, Slams Previous Congress GovtDelhi Court Rejects Umar Khalid’s Interim Bail Plea In 2020 Riots CaseTMC Candidate Jahangir Khan Withdraws From Falta Repoll Days After ‘Pushpa’ Face-Off10 Arrests, 3 States: Meet The ‘Masterminds’ Of NEET-UG 2026 Paper Leak Now In CBI CustodyNationwide Chemists’ Strike Explained: Why 12.4 Lakh Pharmacies Are Protesting Against E-PharmaciesCommercial Vehicle Strike Announced In Delhi-NCR Over Fare Revision DemandManipur Hostage Crisis Deepens; UNC Blockade, Kuki Shutdown Intensify Pressure On GovtThree Coaches Of Ujjain Express Derail Near Rishikesh, Railway Safety Procedures Under ScrutinyTamil Nadu TVK MLA Performs 30-Minute Ritual Float In Well For Vijay, Sparks Online DebateSC Refuses Stay On Stray Dog Removal From Public Places; Orders Strict ABC Rule Compliance123PhotostoriesSummer skincare tips: Natural ingredients to treat tanning and breakoutsMovies that were turned into popular web series: ‘LOTR,’ ‘Cobra Kai,’ ‘Dune: Prophecy,’ and moreInside Nawazuddin Siddiqui’s Rs. 96 crore net worth: Bungalow named after his father, pay packages, cars and everything you need to know10 surprising facts about gharials that make them different from other crocodiliansMeet the eyelash viper: One of nature’s most striking snakesCannes 2026: Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse make a surprise baby bump reveal look like high fashionHigh blood pressure? 5 best foods to lower it naturally5 snake parks in India where travellers can spot rare and venomous species and how to reach themJapandi vs Scandinavian interiors: Which suits Indian homes better?Wood Apple or Bael: 6 reasons to consume this superfruit and the easiest way to do it123Hot PicksSBI apprentice recruitment 2026US Iran warCBSE Class 12 re-evaluation 2026Gold price predictionAdani Group stocksNEET exam cancelledTamil Nadu assemblyTop TrendingTwisha SharmaJEE AdvancedFifa World Cup 2026Subnautica 2 Enameled Glass GuideWWE Raw HighlightsIPL 2026IPL Orange Cap 2026India VS Afghanistan Squad AnnouncementLeviathan in Subnautica 2Fuel Price Hike

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