April 3, 2026

NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court on Friday passed an “extraordinary order”, directing Calcutta HC to appoint serving and former judicial officers in poll-bound West Bengal to act as Electoral Register Officers (ERO) for the adjudication of claims and objections in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in the State, Live Law reported.The court said that the judicial officers will receive support from micro-observers and officials of the state government. It directed the collectors and SPs to provide logistical support and security to the officers.This came as the top court flagged the “trust deficit” between the Mamata Banerjee-led state government and the Election Commission. ‘Targeting People Like Terrorists’: Mamata Banerjee Attacks EC Over SIR, Cites Bangladesh Polls SC said that the “extraordinary order” came in the wake of the “extraordinary circumstances” that have arisen in the state.Recognizing the exceptional circumstances, a bench headed by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) asked the Chief Justice of the Calcutta high court to appoint both serving and retired judicial officers at the level of district judge or additional district judge to resolve pending claims and objections regarding voter list inclusions and exclusions, especially in cases involving “logical discrepancies.”The intervention came to address the deadlock between the EC and the Bengal government regarding the deputation and rank of officers for the SIR of the state’s electoral rolls, noting that it was “nearly impossible” to decide the appropriate rank of officials to be deployed by either party.The top court comprising CJI Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi, and Justice Vipul M Pancholi was hearing SIR-related cases in Bengal.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosAfter Tariff Reset, Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal Signals India-US Trade Deal By April 2026Meet Ranvir Sachdeva, The 8-Year-Old Speaker At India AI Summit Who Met Sundar Pichai, Sam AltmanPM Modi-Trump Meeting Speculation Grows As US Envoy Sergio Gor Drops Massive Hint, Says ‘Stay Tuned”With Pax Silica, We Say No To Economic Blackmail’, Says US As India Signs Strategic Tech PactUS Calls India’s Role Strategic, Essential As Pax Silica Entry Marks Strategic Shift In AI, Semicon’AI For Cows?’: Nandan Nilekani Reveals How PM Modi’s AI Vision For Cows Became Amul’s Sarlaben AppPak PM Sharif Hails Trump As ‘Saviour Of South Asia’ Even As ‘Upset’ US President Flags Trade RiftFrom Invite To Isolation: Pakistan PM Shehbaz Sharif ‘Sidelined’ At Donald Trump’s Gaza Peace SummitEpstein Files: King Charles’ Brother & UK’s Former Prince Andrew Arrested For ‘Misconduct In Office'”We Can’t Be Seen As Weak”: Tharoor’s Bold Claim On Rafale Deal123Photostories7 hard truths we all learn too late in life (But can use right now)Garlic Kheer to Anda Halwa: 5 most bizzare dishes that actually taste delicious‘CityLights’, ‘Phule’, ‘Wild Wild Punjab’; A look into Patralekhaa’s performances as she turns 365 luxury cars engineered to feel effortless at high speedAngelina Jolie’s most underrated movies: ‘Hackers,’ ‘Life or Something Like It,’ and more to watch on OTTNew OTT releases this weekend: ‘Raakshasa’, ‘Pavane,’ ‘Kennedy,’ ‘Heated Rivalry’and more to stream9 national parks around the world that aren’t about wildlifeFrom Hyderabad biryani to Bengaluru idli: ‘Ghost’ feature in billing system that hid Rs 70,000 crore from tax netRamadan 2026: Today’s Iftar timing and 8 must-try dishesFrom Sachin Tendulkar to Virat Kohli: 5 Indian cricketers who credit their wives or girlfriends for success123Hot PicksIndia-US trade dealGold rate todayDelhi traffic advisoryArjun’s wedding ceremonyIncome Tax CalculatorPublic holidays February 2026Bank Holidays februaryTop TrendingMyles GarrettDonna KelceChloe KimDeenTheGreatDetroit Pistons vs New York Knicks InjuryMumbai Coastal RoadGurgaon Girl RapeWinter Olympics 2026NBA Trade NewsErik Karlsson

Vamsikrishna02 mins mins
NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court on Friday passed an “extraordinary order”, directing Calcutta HC to appoint serving and former judicial officers in poll-bound West Bengal to act as Electoral Register Officers (ERO) for the adjudication of claims and objections in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in the State, Live Law reported.The court said that the judicial officers will receive support from micro-observers and officials of the state government. It directed the collectors and SPs to provide logistical support and security to the officers.This came as the top court flagged the “trust deficit” between the Mamata Banerjee-led state government and the Election Commission. ‘Targeting People Like Terrorists’: Mamata Banerjee Attacks EC Over SIR, Cites Bangladesh Polls SC said that the “extraordinary order” came in the wake of the “extraordinary circumstances” that have arisen in the state.Recognizing the exceptional circumstances, a bench headed by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) asked the Chief Justice of the Calcutta high court to appoint both serving and retired judicial officers at the level of district judge or additional district judge to resolve pending claims and objections regarding voter list inclusions and exclusions, especially in cases involving “logical discrepancies.”The intervention came to address the deadlock between the EC and the Bengal government regarding the deputation and rank of officers for the SIR of the state’s electoral rolls, noting that it was “nearly impossible” to decide the appropriate rank of officials to be deployed by either party.The top court comprising CJI Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi, and Justice Vipul M Pancholi was hearing SIR-related cases in Bengal.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosAfter Tariff Reset, Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal Signals India-US Trade Deal By April 2026Meet Ranvir Sachdeva, The 8-Year-Old Speaker At India AI Summit Who Met Sundar Pichai, Sam AltmanPM Modi-Trump Meeting Speculation Grows As US Envoy Sergio Gor Drops Massive Hint, Says ‘Stay Tuned”With Pax Silica, We Say No To Economic Blackmail’, Says US As India Signs Strategic Tech PactUS Calls India’s Role Strategic, Essential As Pax Silica Entry Marks Strategic Shift In AI, Semicon’AI For Cows?’: Nandan Nilekani Reveals How PM Modi’s AI Vision For Cows Became Amul’s Sarlaben AppPak PM Sharif Hails Trump As ‘Saviour Of South Asia’ Even As ‘Upset’ US President Flags Trade RiftFrom Invite To Isolation: Pakistan PM Shehbaz Sharif ‘Sidelined’ At Donald Trump’s Gaza Peace SummitEpstein Files: King Charles’ Brother & UK’s Former Prince Andrew Arrested For ‘Misconduct In Office'”We Can’t Be Seen As Weak”: Tharoor’s Bold Claim On Rafale Deal123Photostories7 hard truths we all learn too late in life (But can use right now)Garlic Kheer to Anda Halwa: 5 most bizzare dishes that actually taste delicious‘CityLights’, ‘Phule’, ‘Wild Wild Punjab’; A look into Patralekhaa’s performances as she turns 365 luxury cars engineered to feel effortless at high speedAngelina Jolie’s most underrated movies: ‘Hackers,’ ‘Life or Something Like It,’ and more to watch on OTTNew OTT releases this weekend: ‘Raakshasa’, ‘Pavane,’ ‘Kennedy,’ ‘Heated Rivalry’and more to stream9 national parks around the world that aren’t about wildlifeFrom Hyderabad biryani to Bengaluru idli: ‘Ghost’ feature in billing system that hid Rs 70,000 crore from tax netRamadan 2026: Today’s Iftar timing and 8 must-try dishesFrom Sachin Tendulkar to Virat Kohli: 5 Indian cricketers who credit their wives or girlfriends for success123Hot PicksIndia-US trade dealGold rate todayDelhi traffic advisoryArjun’s wedding ceremonyIncome Tax CalculatorPublic holidays February 2026Bank Holidays februaryTop TrendingMyles GarrettDonna KelceChloe KimDeenTheGreatDetroit Pistons vs New York Knicks InjuryMumbai Coastal RoadGurgaon Girl RapeWinter Olympics 2026NBA Trade NewsErik Karlsson


Bengal vs EC: SC takes 'extraordinary' step, judicial officers to be part of SIR duty

NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court on Friday passed an “extraordinary order”, directing Calcutta HC to appoint serving and former judicial officers in poll-bound West Bengal to act as Electoral Register Officers (ERO) for the adjudication of claims and objections in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in the State, Live Law reported.The court said that the judicial officers will receive support from micro-observers and officials of the state government. It directed the collectors and SPs to provide logistical support and security to the officers.This came as the top court flagged the “trust deficit” between the Mamata Banerjee-led state government and the Election Commission.

‘Targeting People Like Terrorists’: Mamata Banerjee Attacks EC Over SIR, Cites Bangladesh Polls

SC said that the “extraordinary order” came in the wake of the “extraordinary circumstances” that have arisen in the state.Recognizing the exceptional circumstances, a bench headed by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) asked the Chief Justice of the Calcutta high court to appoint both serving and retired judicial officers at the level of district judge or additional district judge to resolve pending claims and objections regarding voter list inclusions and exclusions, especially in cases involving “logical discrepancies.”The intervention came to address the deadlock between the EC and the Bengal government regarding the deputation and rank of officers for the SIR of the state’s electoral rolls, noting that it was “nearly impossible” to decide the appropriate rank of officials to be deployed by either party.The top court comprising CJI Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi, and Justice Vipul M Pancholi was hearing SIR-related cases in Bengal.



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Vamsikrishna 0
Q: What made you write ‘Meet the Savarnas’? A: It comes out of partly my life’s experiences also because I did not grow up in a Savarna family. I come from an intercaste marriage between a Scheduled Caste mother and an OBC father. And neither of those two sides of the family had a tradition for intergenerational literacy and what you would call high culture. But they were immigrants from Punjab. They were raising their kids in Kolkata. So I got exposed to a world which was not native to mine. And as I grew up, I realised that there was a world which was very much all around me, but I didn’t have access to it. And that world always seemed so much bigger than my own. It seemed full of very interesting people who were talking about books, culture, art, a ‘higher order of things’. When I looked at my own family and the people around me, the concerns were very mundane, were very existential. And as a young person…, I really wanted to escape the orbit of that world. And I, in time, started realising that a lot of that world was coded around the politics and the performance of caste. It was the world of Savarnas. It was a world where they decided what was legitimate, what was to be talked about, what was authentic and what was fake. And no matter how hard I tried, I couldn’t fit into that world… I eventually got into academia and got into cultural studies and did a fair amount of cultural anthropology as a method. I understood that when it comes to caste, the sociology and anthropology departments in India are full of these books and researches which centre Dalit communities, tribal communities, even OBC communities. There are lots of very interesting works which have been done on that. But the world of Savarnas… there’s not a lot of anthropological work which has happened there. And part of it is because it is very inaccessible. Like, it’s easier to go down to a slum in a city and do research, do field work there, interview people. You can’t walk into a gated community in Gurgaon or Bangalore and try to do that…. But more importantly, it was like this academic blind spot where you have all these great writers, thinkers, intellectuals in civil society, in media, academia, and they are all writing about caste, but they’re not writing about their own caste and communities. And it’s almost like their gaze is always facing outwards and never to their own. And I think it is a culmination of a lot of these different strands which put me in this space where I started writing and theorising about Savarnas. And it started out with articles for various digital media platforms where I was trying to do a series very loosely called ‘Like a Savarna’… And one of the articles there, ‘Dating like a Savarna’, I thought I had written a very non-controversial piece. It’s just a little bit about how caste and dating and intimacy overlap. And I got a tremendous backlash. There was a huge campaign on social media. I was called all sorts of names. And it had an impact on my professional life, my university where I was working. I had to pay some consequences because of that. And part of that backlash also made me realise that this is actually a very loaded conversation. It kind of made me a little more determined to write this. Q: You’re now carrying this book around in your domain space. How do you navigate it? A: It’s extremely challenging. The book begins very much grounded in closer to a memoir because I was grounding myself and my gaze into the book. As you go deeper into it, it becomes more of the social. It’s not just a book about caste. It is also a book about this period in time… from the late 90s, early 2000s till about Covid, 2020, 2022 because this was the period where the larger consensus was that India as a story is doing well, that we are on the rise, that this was our ascent towards superstar superpowerdom. And everywhere there was almost like you couldn’t say anything negative or you couldn’t say that the emperor had no clothes. Because then they would shout you down and say you’re being a naysayer. I have tried to theorize about it in the book through the idea of a glass floor. So if I am below the glass floor and what you’re calling the shining India story is happening above the glass floor in the world of Savarnas, well, that world looks very different to us… But it has a cost almost built into it. My career as an academic takes a hit. It’s almost like you’re always walking with a target on your back. Any right-wing reactionary group can just take the title of the book itself and create all sorts of discourse around it. So there is definitely a challenging, loaded responsibility that comes with it… I also want to point out there’s been a lot of understanding and love also from Savarnas. A lot of people have read the book and then come back to me, not through anger or bitterness, but through some kind of an idea that, okay, I am now going to be soul-searching and I’m going to be looking at myself. Q: It’s a great moment in history that you capture from modern India, but you also make visible to a young and modern audience using their lingo. A: When I was in college in the early 2000s, we were told that 21st century is a century of Asia, India and China… There were jobs, the tech sector was booming, real estate was booming. Hollywood was taking note of us. By every conceivable popular narrative. It seemed like we were on the rise. And we were supposed to reach the superpower status by 2020, because that’s what APJ Abdul Kalam had kind of told us. Now that date has been shifted back to 2047… When 2020 comes, forget being a superpower, it’s one of the most challenging years of the republic. It opens with the Shaheen Bagh protests, it goes into Covid. There’s a total breakdown of that positivity. And on the other side of it, it’s like we’ve emerged and we are beginning to ask ourselves this question, where did we go wrong? And I feel where we went wrong is that in this 20-25 year period, the steering wheel of this story was given into the hands of a very specific group of elite Savarnas who don’t even understand very much their own blind spots. So I’m trying to explain through this book why the Indian story didn’t work, why it ended up reproducing these pocket enclaves of hyper privilege while creating this system where our cities are unliveable, our policies are unworkable, there’s a political and existential crisis, the climate change crisis, all of these things have intensified and all the fruits of this great success story that we thought we will get, we haven’t received. And I’ve tried to answer some of those questions without trying to pathologise it into ‘this is how it is in India. The system is broken.’ A lot of times analysis hides behind these sweeping statements — ‘everything is broken, everything is corrupt’. No, what does broken mean? Who is in charge? Who are the people who are benefiting from these sort of systems? What are their politics? What is their social and cultural inner life? And I think in this book I’ve tried to connect both of these things. It’s not just a description of Savarnas, it’s not just a book on caste. It’s about both of those things and also how they intersect with policymaking and the larger trajectory of this moment that we had in India and we seem to have sort of squandered it. So in many which ways it’s also a book about a tragedy of a post-colonial state which had all the pieces in play and promised to itself that it was going to transcend itself and reach a higher level and couldn’t do it. Q: There’s so much being said which should be said in classrooms, in drawing room conversations, in public opinion pieces. A: Wherever there is knowledge production and wherever there is knowledge distribution in these spaces, there is near absence of any sort of caste diversity. As a result, what has happened is the structure becomes unaware of its own self. A lot of well-meaning Savarna intellectuals, thinkers, progressives often end up misdiagnosing and misunderstanding what they themselves are reproducing. So the critique then becomes just right versus left, progressive versus conservative. Whereas if you look at it from a caste formation, in a lot of these cases, the conservative and the progressive are often people within the same family WhatsApp group… The way we think of caste is fundamentally through oppression narratives, through the idea of suffering and exclusion. And don’t get me wrong, those need to be documented and talked about over and over again endlessly. But the system through which it mediates, through which it operates, is a Savarna system. And there is a sort of pathos in that. There is a sort of absurdity in that… One way of dealing with the pathos and the tragedy of caste and the absurdity of it is to also lean on humour a little bit because otherwise it just becomes too heavy and too intense and you can’t deal with it. So it is also an ode to a certain dysfunctionality in society. It is the code gone wrong on which the system operates. And you see all these attempts to try and write it and correct it and do the right thing in xyz, but the code is elsewhere. The system is operating on a different level… And my attempt in writing this book is that hopefully Savarnas see themselves a little bit, meet themselves a little bit, so they understand themselves a little bit and therefore they understand the systems they’ve created a little bit better. 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Q: What made you write ‘Meet the Savarnas’? A: It comes out of partly my life’s experiences also because I did not grow up in a Savarna family. I come from an intercaste marriage between a Scheduled Caste mother and an OBC father. And neither of those two sides of the family had a tradition for intergenerational literacy and what you would call high culture. But they were immigrants from Punjab. They were raising their kids in Kolkata. So I got exposed to a world which was not native to mine. And as I grew up, I realised that there was a world which was very much all around me, but I didn’t have access to it. And that world always seemed so much bigger than my own. It seemed full of very interesting people who were talking about books, culture, art, a ‘higher order of things’. When I looked at my own family and the people around me, the concerns were very mundane, were very existential. And as a young person…, I really wanted to escape the orbit of that world. And I, in time, started realising that a lot of that world was coded around the politics and the performance of caste. It was the world of Savarnas. It was a world where they decided what was legitimate, what was to be talked about, what was authentic and what was fake. And no matter how hard I tried, I couldn’t fit into that world… I eventually got into academia and got into cultural studies and did a fair amount of cultural anthropology as a method. I understood that when it comes to caste, the sociology and anthropology departments in India are full of these books and researches which centre Dalit communities, tribal communities, even OBC communities. There are lots of very interesting works which have been done on that. But the world of Savarnas… there’s not a lot of anthropological work which has happened there. And part of it is because it is very inaccessible. Like, it’s easier to go down to a slum in a city and do research, do field work there, interview people. You can’t walk into a gated community in Gurgaon or Bangalore and try to do that…. But more importantly, it was like this academic blind spot where you have all these great writers, thinkers, intellectuals in civil society, in media, academia, and they are all writing about caste, but they’re not writing about their own caste and communities. And it’s almost like their gaze is always facing outwards and never to their own. And I think it is a culmination of a lot of these different strands which put me in this space where I started writing and theorising about Savarnas. And it started out with articles for various digital media platforms where I was trying to do a series very loosely called ‘Like a Savarna’… And one of the articles there, ‘Dating like a Savarna’, I thought I had written a very non-controversial piece. It’s just a little bit about how caste and dating and intimacy overlap. And I got a tremendous backlash. There was a huge campaign on social media. I was called all sorts of names. And it had an impact on my professional life, my university where I was working. I had to pay some consequences because of that. And part of that backlash also made me realise that this is actually a very loaded conversation. It kind of made me a little more determined to write this. Q: You’re now carrying this book around in your domain space. How do you navigate it? A: It’s extremely challenging. The book begins very much grounded in closer to a memoir because I was grounding myself and my gaze into the book. As you go deeper into it, it becomes more of the social. It’s not just a book about caste. It is also a book about this period in time… from the late 90s, early 2000s till about Covid, 2020, 2022 because this was the period where the larger consensus was that India as a story is doing well, that we are on the rise, that this was our ascent towards superstar superpowerdom. And everywhere there was almost like you couldn’t say anything negative or you couldn’t say that the emperor had no clothes. Because then they would shout you down and say you’re being a naysayer. I have tried to theorize about it in the book through the idea of a glass floor. So if I am below the glass floor and what you’re calling the shining India story is happening above the glass floor in the world of Savarnas, well, that world looks very different to us… But it has a cost almost built into it. My career as an academic takes a hit. It’s almost like you’re always walking with a target on your back. Any right-wing reactionary group can just take the title of the book itself and create all sorts of discourse around it. So there is definitely a challenging, loaded responsibility that comes with it… I also want to point out there’s been a lot of understanding and love also from Savarnas. A lot of people have read the book and then come back to me, not through anger or bitterness, but through some kind of an idea that, okay, I am now going to be soul-searching and I’m going to be looking at myself. Q: It’s a great moment in history that you capture from modern India, but you also make visible to a young and modern audience using their lingo. A: When I was in college in the early 2000s, we were told that 21st century is a century of Asia, India and China… There were jobs, the tech sector was booming, real estate was booming. Hollywood was taking note of us. By every conceivable popular narrative. It seemed like we were on the rise. And we were supposed to reach the superpower status by 2020, because that’s what APJ Abdul Kalam had kind of told us. Now that date has been shifted back to 2047… When 2020 comes, forget being a superpower, it’s one of the most challenging years of the republic. It opens with the Shaheen Bagh protests, it goes into Covid. There’s a total breakdown of that positivity. And on the other side of it, it’s like we’ve emerged and we are beginning to ask ourselves this question, where did we go wrong? And I feel where we went wrong is that in this 20-25 year period, the steering wheel of this story was given into the hands of a very specific group of elite Savarnas who don’t even understand very much their own blind spots. So I’m trying to explain through this book why the Indian story didn’t work, why it ended up reproducing these pocket enclaves of hyper privilege while creating this system where our cities are unliveable, our policies are unworkable, there’s a political and existential crisis, the climate change crisis, all of these things have intensified and all the fruits of this great success story that we thought we will get, we haven’t received. And I’ve tried to answer some of those questions without trying to pathologise it into ‘this is how it is in India. The system is broken.’ A lot of times analysis hides behind these sweeping statements — ‘everything is broken, everything is corrupt’. No, what does broken mean? Who is in charge? Who are the people who are benefiting from these sort of systems? What are their politics? What is their social and cultural inner life? And I think in this book I’ve tried to connect both of these things. It’s not just a description of Savarnas, it’s not just a book on caste. It’s about both of those things and also how they intersect with policymaking and the larger trajectory of this moment that we had in India and we seem to have sort of squandered it. So in many which ways it’s also a book about a tragedy of a post-colonial state which had all the pieces in play and promised to itself that it was going to transcend itself and reach a higher level and couldn’t do it. Q: There’s so much being said which should be said in classrooms, in drawing room conversations, in public opinion pieces. A: Wherever there is knowledge production and wherever there is knowledge distribution in these spaces, there is near absence of any sort of caste diversity. As a result, what has happened is the structure becomes unaware of its own self. A lot of well-meaning Savarna intellectuals, thinkers, progressives often end up misdiagnosing and misunderstanding what they themselves are reproducing. So the critique then becomes just right versus left, progressive versus conservative. Whereas if you look at it from a caste formation, in a lot of these cases, the conservative and the progressive are often people within the same family WhatsApp group… The way we think of caste is fundamentally through oppression narratives, through the idea of suffering and exclusion. And don’t get me wrong, those need to be documented and talked about over and over again endlessly. But the system through which it mediates, through which it operates, is a Savarna system. And there is a sort of pathos in that. There is a sort of absurdity in that… One way of dealing with the pathos and the tragedy of caste and the absurdity of it is to also lean on humour a little bit because otherwise it just becomes too heavy and too intense and you can’t deal with it. So it is also an ode to a certain dysfunctionality in society. It is the code gone wrong on which the system operates. And you see all these attempts to try and write it and correct it and do the right thing in xyz, but the code is elsewhere. The system is operating on a different level… And my attempt in writing this book is that hopefully Savarnas see themselves a little bit, meet themselves a little bit, so they understand themselves a little bit and therefore they understand the systems they’ve created a little bit better. End of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosCongress Leader Anand Sharma Praises Modi Govt’s West Asia Diplomacy, Urges National Unity Amid WarIndian Navy Boosts Nuclear Deterrence With INS Aridhaman Submarine, Enforces Undersea Strike PowerWhy Did India-Bound Oil Tanker Carrying Iranian Crude Change Course At The Last Minute?India’s Medium Transport Aircraft Programme Gains Momentum, HAL Joins Global Firms In RaceKerala Election 2026: Who Holds the Master Key? Full Community BreakdownBrahMos-Armed INS Taragiri Marks Major Leap In India’s Naval Strength And Self-RelianceWest Asia Crisis: India’s Balanced Approach Wins Global Trust As Pakistan’s Mediator Gamble Stumbles‘Ghar Wapsi Will Happen Soon’: Imam Ilyasi Predicts PoK ReunificationRajnath Singh’s ‘Decisive Action’ Warning Evokes Pakistan’s ‘Swift Response’: What Khawaja Asif SaidDonald Trump’s 100% Pharma Import Tariff: India Escapes Immediate Hit But Long-Term Risks Remain123PhotostoriesRamayana actor Ravie Dubey’s wealth decoded: From luxury cars to a Rs 8 crore Mumbai penthouse, exploring his reported Rs 80 crore net worthNatasha Poonawalla and Adar Poonawalla: The power couple’s filmy love storyHow to prepare your car for extreme off-road conditionsYour feet might look normal, but there are hidden signs which indicate severe damage and disease: How to recognise them7 key residential areas in Jaipur shaping the city’s real estate market11 royal meal experiences at the Maharajas’ Express that are not to be missedPrabhu Deva birthday special: ‘Muqabala’, ‘Urvasi’, ‘Kay Sera Sera’- Iconic songs choreographed by the dance maestroVikrant Massey birthday special: ‘12th Fail’, ‘Sector 36’ to ‘Haseen Dilruba’, a look at his most defining performancesBengaluru’s Mehkri Circle set for a traffic reset with 1.6km elevated flyover7 signs you are in a silent divorce123Hot PicksR AshwinLebron JamesDeontay WilderKhushbaz Singh JatanaCSK vs PBKS PreviewPublic holidays April 2026Bank Holidays AprilTop TrendingOil Price TodayGood Friday 2026India Labour CodeRandy GeorgeLuigi MangioneGucci ManeRaghav ChaddaHailee SteinfeldSchool Holidays in AprilIran war news

Vamsikrishna 0
As sweltering heat scorches the land, political temperature is rising in God’s Own Country as the summer election season knocks on Kerala’s doors.Long defined by a predictable alternation between the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the United Democratic Front (UDF), the state now faces a far more complex contest. With chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan seeking a rare third consecutive term, the opposition sensing an opening and the BJP attempting to expand its footprint, the election is shaping into a tight, multi-layered battle. In a state where elections are won by the slimmest of margins, this contest may come down to a few thousand votes across a handful of seats.A state at a political crossroadsAs Kerala inches towards the 2026 assembly elections, the familiar rhythm of alternating governments is under strain. The contest is no longer a predictable swing between the LDF and the UDF; instead, it is shaping into a layered political battle and emerging as a triangular contest.For chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan, the stakes are high. After breaking Kerala’s decades-old pattern by retaining power in 2021, the LDF is now seeking a rare third consecutive mandate. Success would not only consolidate Vijayan’s legacy but potentially redefine the state’s political cycle. But, if otherwise, India will see the last red bastion falling. The Congress-led UDF, however, senses an opening. With anti-incumbency building after nearly a decade of Left rule, the opposition is framing the election as a referendum on governance, finances and accountability. Congress top brass, from Rahul Gandhi to Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, has stepped up engagements, signalling the importance of Kerala in the national opposition’s strategy.Meanwhile, the BJP-led NDA is attempting something more ambitious, to disrupt Kerala’s entrenched bipolarity. Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and an aggressive campaign, the party is targeting incremental gains that could influence outcomes in closely fought constituencies.Unlike states with clear multi-cornered politics, Kerala’s contests are decided by fine margins, layered loyalties and local dynamics. That makes 2026 less about sweeping waves and more about micro-shifts, where even a small swing in vote share could tilt dozens of seats in the state.Last election, and what it tells usIn 2021 elections, the ruling LDF won 99 seats, securing a comfortable majority, while the UDF managed 41 seats. The BJP, contesting in most constituencies, won just 1 seat, highlighting the state’s traditional bipolar pattern. Vote share tells a slightly different story: the LDF captured 45.43%, the UDF 39.47%, and the BJP 10.41% of the total votes polled. This indicates that while LDF had a clear majority in seats, the competition was much tighter in terms of votes, especially in closely contested constituencies.The 2021 assembly elections offered a structural insight into Kerala’s electoral behaviour. According to data from the ADR and Kerala Election Watch, the average vote share of winning candidates stood at 47.98%, with only 39 of 140 MLAs crossing the 50% mark. This means most victories were secured without majority backing, reflecting fragmented mandates and the decisive role of marginal vote swings.Margins were equally revealing. Only a handful of constituencies saw comfortable victories, while several were decided by less than 10% vote difference, and in some cases, fewer than 500 votes. Nearly 46% of re-elected MLAs won with margins under 10%, indicating a limited incumbency advantage.NOTA, often seen as a protest tool, remained marginal at 0.47%, almost unchanged from 2016. While not decisive, its consistent presence points to a small but stable segment of disengaged voters.More recent signals from the 2025 local body elections suggest a tightening race. The UDF edged ahead in vote share and Assembly segment leads, while the LDF retained a substantial base but lost ground in several local bodies. The BJP maintained around 16% vote share, with improved seat conversion in select pockets, raising concerns over seat convertibility.When taken together, these trends tell a crucial story: Kerala elections are rarely landslides; they are negotiated outcomes shaped constituency by constituency.Key faces to watch out forThe 2026 election is as much about leadership as it is about alliances.At the centre is Pinarayi Vijayan, contesting from Dharmadam, whose governance model, combining welfare expansion and infrastructure push, will be directly tested.On the opposition side, state leader of opposition VD Satheesan is expected to anchor the UDF campaign, positioning himself as the face of change, but not without some internal strife in Congress. For the BJP, the campaign is being spearheaded by its state president and former Union minister Rajeev Chandrasekhar, who has emerged as the party’s key face in the run-up to the polls. His campaign has focused on issues such as unemployment, economic growth, and governance, while also amplifying the party’s broader narrative against both the LDF and the UDF.Among the LDF’s prominent leaders are KK Shailaja, whose public health credentials continue to resonate with voters, and Veena George, who represents the government’s welfare narrative.The UDF also reflects generational transition through leaders like Chandy Oommen (son of former CM Oman Chandy), while veterans such as Ramesh Chennithala bring organisational experience.Another BJP candidate is former Union minister V Muraleedharan, symbolizing a high-profile push to expand the party’s footprint.High-stakes contestsKerala’s political map is dotted with constituencies where narrow margins and shifting alliances make outcomes unpredictable.Seats like Nemom, Kazhakootam, and Thiruvananthapuram are expected to witness intense triangular contests, especially with the BJP attempting to convert vote share into seats.In several constituencies, data suggest that margins of defeat in previous elections were within 1,000–10,000 votes. Such micro-level gaps mean targeted campaigning, candidate selection, and local alliances could prove decisive.Urban constituencies are emerging as key battlegrounds, where shifting middle-class preferences and youth concerns intersect with traditional party loyalties.What issues are parties fighting onAnti-incumbency vs continuityThe central narrative of the election revolves around whether voters prefer continuity or change. The LDF argues that stability and governance gains justify another term, while the UDF and BJP frame the election as a corrective moment.PM Modi recently said at an election rally in Palakkad that “Kerala is sending signals of change.”Economy and unemploymentEconomic stress is a major theme. Rising debt, unemployment, and migration, particularly among youth, have become political flashpoints. BJP leader Rajeev Chandrasekhar has criticised both fronts, saying: “Promises… for the last 70 years… never kept.”He further added, “four out of ten graduates are unemployed and are migrating,” highlighting a concern that cuts across political lines.Welfare vs sustainabilityKerala’s welfare model is under scrutiny. While the LDF defends it as essential to social development, critics question fiscal sustainability. The debate has sharpened with competing promises from all fronts.But, the promises put out by all the contenders tell a different tale on the fiscals. Governance and corruptionThe opposition has raised concerns over administrative efficiency, corruption allegations, and law and order issues, turning governance into a central electoral issue.Identity and SabarimalaThe Sabarimala issue continues to influence political discourse, blending questions of faith, gender rights, and political positioning. It also provides an entry point for the BJP’s identity-driven mobilisation.A SWOT analysis of key parties highlights their prospects and hurdlesLDF (Left Democratic Front)StrengthsIncumbency with governance record: The LDF, led by CM Pinarayi Vijayan, is banking on welfare schemes, infrastructure push (including Vizhinjam port), and administrative continuity.Organisational strength: Strong cadre base of CPM and allies ensures booth-level mobilisation.Breaking Kerala’s trend: The LDF already made history by retaining power in 2021 and is aiming for a rare third term. WeaknessesAnti-incumbency risk: After two terms, fatigue among voters and criticism over governance issues may weigh.Controversies: Issues like Sabarimala stance shifts and political allegations could impact perception.Ministerial performance concerns: Surveys indicate mixed public opinion on ministers despite popular MLAs. OpportunitiesFragmented opposition: Divisions within UDF and internal dissent in allies like IUML could benefit LDF.Development narrative: Positioning itself on governance and welfare continuity.ThreatsUDF resurgence: Opposition is projecting momentum and “ready for change” messaging.BJP vote split: NDA’s growing presence could cut into traditional vote bases.UDF (United Democratic Front)StrengthsAnti-incumbency advantage: UDF is leveraging dissatisfaction against the ruling government.Leadership push: Leaders like Rahul Gandhi have actively backed the alliance.Recent momentum: Gains in recent municipal elections and surveys indicating competitive positioning. WeaknessesFactionalism: Internal rifts within Congress and allies remain a concern.Dependence on allies: Seat-sharing tensions and coordination challenges.OpportunitiesSwing voters: Kerala’s history of alternating governments may favour UDF.Narrative battle: Strong campaign on governance failures and corruption allegations.ThreatsLDF’s welfare model: Popular schemes may blunt anti-incumbency.BJP factor: NDA could split anti-LDF votes in key constituencies.NDA/BJP StrengthsGrowing footprint: BJP is trying to break the LDF-UDF duopoly with aggressive campaigning.Targeted outreach: Focus on coastal communities, women voters, and welfare promises.High-decibel campaign: Backed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and central leadership. WeaknessesLimited historical presence: BJP has struggled to win significant seats in Kerala.Organisational gaps: Compared to LDF/UDF’s entrenched networks.OpportunitiesTriangular contest: Even small vote share gains could impact outcomes.Issue-based politics: Sabarimala, welfare schemes, and development narrative. ThreatsPolarised electorate: Kerala’s traditional alignment may limit expansion.Strategic voting: Voters may consolidate behind LDF or UDF to block BJP.Promises and bigger promises The elections are bound to witness more intense competition in welfare commitments, with all three fronts expanding their promise baskets. While the ideological differences remain, there is a clear convergence on social security, employment generation, and public service delivery in order to mint vote dividends.Here is a detailed break-up of what each alliance has promised:LDF – Welfare continuity with development pushThe LDF manifesto builds on its governance record, combining welfare expansion with long-term economic planning:Poverty eradication: Target to uplift around 5 lakh of the poorest families through focused intervention programmesWelfare pensions: Increase social security pension to Rs 3,000, with continued support for vulnerable groupsEmployment generation: Assured 60,000 campus placementsPromising Interest-free loans for youth entrepreneurship:Women empowerment: Target to raise women’s workforce participation to 50%UDF – Welfare expansion with governance resetThe UDF’s manifesto focuses on direct benefits, social welfare expansion, and institutional reforms:Direct welfare measures:Rs 1,000 monthly financial assistance for college studentsFree travel for women in KSRTC busesExpansion of subsidised food schemes like Indira CanteensHealth insurance cover up to Rs 25 lakhInterest-free loans up to Rs 5 lakh for startupsAgriculture & labour:Increase rubber support price to Rs 300 per kgRaise ASHA worker wages to Rs 700 per dayNDA / BJP – Welfare plus infrastructure and governance overhaulThe BJP-led NDA is blending welfare assurances with infrastructure-heavy promises and institutional reforms:Direct welfare support:Rs 3,000 monthly pension for poor women, widows, and senior citizens (70+)Rs 2,500 monthly assistance for medicines and groceriesServices – amenities:20,000 litres of free water per household per monthTwo free LPG cylinders annually (on Onam and Christmas)Infrastructure:High-speed rail corridor from Thiruvananthapuram to KannurReligious & cultural issues:Temple management reforms giving more control to devoteesSabarimala Development Mission for pilgrim infrastructureTime-bound CBI probe into Sabarimala-related controversiesNew calculations in Kerala’s poll sceneKerala’s electoral arithmetic is undergoing subtle but significant shifts.The rise of three-cornered contests means that even a modest increase in vote share, particularly for the BJP, can influence outcomes in tightly contested seats. This does not necessarily translate into immediate seat gains but can alter the winning margins between LDF and UDF.At the same time, data suggests that over 100 constituencies in previous elections were won with less than 50% vote share. This structural feature makes Kerala uniquely sensitive to micro-swings.Urbanisation, youth migration, and changing voter expectations are also reshaping political behaviour. While traditional loyalties remain strong, there is growing volatility in segments such as first-time voters and urban middle classes.A contest of margins, not wavesThe 2026 Kerala Assembly elections are unlikely to produce a sweeping mandate. Instead, they are poised to be decided by narrow margins, local dynamics, and competing narratives of governance and change.For Pinarayi Vijayan, the challenge is to convert governance continuity into electoral endorsement. For the UDF, it is about translating anti-incumbency into a cohesive alternative. For the BJP, the goal is incremental but strategic expansion.Ultimately, the election may hinge not on broad political shifts, but on dozens of closely fought constituencies, where a few thousand votes could determine whether Kerala sticks with continuity, returns to its alternating pattern, or begins to redefine its political structure.About the AuthorYash SonkarWrites on politics, global affairs, and geopolitics for The Times of India. Tracks power and diplomacy as it moves, across capitals, corridors and negotiating tables, and what it changes along the way beyond rhetoric. Runs on nuance, news cycles and curiosity.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosCongress Leader Anand Sharma Praises Modi Govt’s West Asia Diplomacy, Urges National Unity Amid WarIndian Navy Boosts Nuclear Deterrence With INS Aridhaman Submarine, Enforces Undersea Strike PowerWhy Did India-Bound Oil Tanker Carrying Iranian Crude Change Course At The Last Minute?India’s Medium Transport Aircraft Programme Gains Momentum, HAL Joins Global Firms In RaceKerala Election 2026: Who Holds the Master Key? 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As sweltering heat scorches the land, political temperature is rising in God’s Own Country as the summer election season knocks on Kerala’s doors.Long defined by a predictable alternation between the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the United Democratic Front (UDF), the state now faces a far more complex contest. With chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan seeking a rare third consecutive term, the opposition sensing an opening and the BJP attempting to expand its footprint, the election is shaping into a tight, multi-layered battle. In a state where elections are won by the slimmest of margins, this contest may come down to a few thousand votes across a handful of seats.A state at a political crossroadsAs Kerala inches towards the 2026 assembly elections, the familiar rhythm of alternating governments is under strain. The contest is no longer a predictable swing between the LDF and the UDF; instead, it is shaping into a layered political battle and emerging as a triangular contest.For chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan, the stakes are high. After breaking Kerala’s decades-old pattern by retaining power in 2021, the LDF is now seeking a rare third consecutive mandate. Success would not only consolidate Vijayan’s legacy but potentially redefine the state’s political cycle. But, if otherwise, India will see the last red bastion falling. The Congress-led UDF, however, senses an opening. With anti-incumbency building after nearly a decade of Left rule, the opposition is framing the election as a referendum on governance, finances and accountability. Congress top brass, from Rahul Gandhi to Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, has stepped up engagements, signalling the importance of Kerala in the national opposition’s strategy.Meanwhile, the BJP-led NDA is attempting something more ambitious, to disrupt Kerala’s entrenched bipolarity. Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and an aggressive campaign, the party is targeting incremental gains that could influence outcomes in closely fought constituencies.Unlike states with clear multi-cornered politics, Kerala’s contests are decided by fine margins, layered loyalties and local dynamics. That makes 2026 less about sweeping waves and more about micro-shifts, where even a small swing in vote share could tilt dozens of seats in the state.Last election, and what it tells usIn 2021 elections, the ruling LDF won 99 seats, securing a comfortable majority, while the UDF managed 41 seats. The BJP, contesting in most constituencies, won just 1 seat, highlighting the state’s traditional bipolar pattern. Vote share tells a slightly different story: the LDF captured 45.43%, the UDF 39.47%, and the BJP 10.41% of the total votes polled. This indicates that while LDF had a clear majority in seats, the competition was much tighter in terms of votes, especially in closely contested constituencies.The 2021 assembly elections offered a structural insight into Kerala’s electoral behaviour. According to data from the ADR and Kerala Election Watch, the average vote share of winning candidates stood at 47.98%, with only 39 of 140 MLAs crossing the 50% mark. This means most victories were secured without majority backing, reflecting fragmented mandates and the decisive role of marginal vote swings.Margins were equally revealing. Only a handful of constituencies saw comfortable victories, while several were decided by less than 10% vote difference, and in some cases, fewer than 500 votes. Nearly 46% of re-elected MLAs won with margins under 10%, indicating a limited incumbency advantage.NOTA, often seen as a protest tool, remained marginal at 0.47%, almost unchanged from 2016. While not decisive, its consistent presence points to a small but stable segment of disengaged voters.More recent signals from the 2025 local body elections suggest a tightening race. The UDF edged ahead in vote share and Assembly segment leads, while the LDF retained a substantial base but lost ground in several local bodies. The BJP maintained around 16% vote share, with improved seat conversion in select pockets, raising concerns over seat convertibility.When taken together, these trends tell a crucial story: Kerala elections are rarely landslides; they are negotiated outcomes shaped constituency by constituency.Key faces to watch out forThe 2026 election is as much about leadership as it is about alliances.At the centre is Pinarayi Vijayan, contesting from Dharmadam, whose governance model, combining welfare expansion and infrastructure push, will be directly tested.On the opposition side, state leader of opposition VD Satheesan is expected to anchor the UDF campaign, positioning himself as the face of change, but not without some internal strife in Congress. For the BJP, the campaign is being spearheaded by its state president and former Union minister Rajeev Chandrasekhar, who has emerged as the party’s key face in the run-up to the polls. His campaign has focused on issues such as unemployment, economic growth, and governance, while also amplifying the party’s broader narrative against both the LDF and the UDF.Among the LDF’s prominent leaders are KK Shailaja, whose public health credentials continue to resonate with voters, and Veena George, who represents the government’s welfare narrative.The UDF also reflects generational transition through leaders like Chandy Oommen (son of former CM Oman Chandy), while veterans such as Ramesh Chennithala bring organisational experience.Another BJP candidate is former Union minister V Muraleedharan, symbolizing a high-profile push to expand the party’s footprint.High-stakes contestsKerala’s political map is dotted with constituencies where narrow margins and shifting alliances make outcomes unpredictable.Seats like Nemom, Kazhakootam, and Thiruvananthapuram are expected to witness intense triangular contests, especially with the BJP attempting to convert vote share into seats.In several constituencies, data suggest that margins of defeat in previous elections were within 1,000–10,000 votes. Such micro-level gaps mean targeted campaigning, candidate selection, and local alliances could prove decisive.Urban constituencies are emerging as key battlegrounds, where shifting middle-class preferences and youth concerns intersect with traditional party loyalties.What issues are parties fighting onAnti-incumbency vs continuityThe central narrative of the election revolves around whether voters prefer continuity or change. The LDF argues that stability and governance gains justify another term, while the UDF and BJP frame the election as a corrective moment.PM Modi recently said at an election rally in Palakkad that “Kerala is sending signals of change.”Economy and unemploymentEconomic stress is a major theme. Rising debt, unemployment, and migration, particularly among youth, have become political flashpoints. BJP leader Rajeev Chandrasekhar has criticised both fronts, saying: “Promises… for the last 70 years… never kept.”He further added, “four out of ten graduates are unemployed and are migrating,” highlighting a concern that cuts across political lines.Welfare vs sustainabilityKerala’s welfare model is under scrutiny. While the LDF defends it as essential to social development, critics question fiscal sustainability. The debate has sharpened with competing promises from all fronts.But, the promises put out by all the contenders tell a different tale on the fiscals. Governance and corruptionThe opposition has raised concerns over administrative efficiency, corruption allegations, and law and order issues, turning governance into a central electoral issue.Identity and SabarimalaThe Sabarimala issue continues to influence political discourse, blending questions of faith, gender rights, and political positioning. It also provides an entry point for the BJP’s identity-driven mobilisation.A SWOT analysis of key parties highlights their prospects and hurdlesLDF (Left Democratic Front)StrengthsIncumbency with governance record: The LDF, led by CM Pinarayi Vijayan, is banking on welfare schemes, infrastructure push (including Vizhinjam port), and administrative continuity.Organisational strength: Strong cadre base of CPM and allies ensures booth-level mobilisation.Breaking Kerala’s trend: The LDF already made history by retaining power in 2021 and is aiming for a rare third term. WeaknessesAnti-incumbency risk: After two terms, fatigue among voters and criticism over governance issues may weigh.Controversies: Issues like Sabarimala stance shifts and political allegations could impact perception.Ministerial performance concerns: Surveys indicate mixed public opinion on ministers despite popular MLAs. OpportunitiesFragmented opposition: Divisions within UDF and internal dissent in allies like IUML could benefit LDF.Development narrative: Positioning itself on governance and welfare continuity.ThreatsUDF resurgence: Opposition is projecting momentum and “ready for change” messaging.BJP vote split: NDA’s growing presence could cut into traditional vote bases.UDF (United Democratic Front)StrengthsAnti-incumbency advantage: UDF is leveraging dissatisfaction against the ruling government.Leadership push: Leaders like Rahul Gandhi have actively backed the alliance.Recent momentum: Gains in recent municipal elections and surveys indicating competitive positioning. WeaknessesFactionalism: Internal rifts within Congress and allies remain a concern.Dependence on allies: Seat-sharing tensions and coordination challenges.OpportunitiesSwing voters: Kerala’s history of alternating governments may favour UDF.Narrative battle: Strong campaign on governance failures and corruption allegations.ThreatsLDF’s welfare model: Popular schemes may blunt anti-incumbency.BJP factor: NDA could split anti-LDF votes in key constituencies.NDA/BJP StrengthsGrowing footprint: BJP is trying to break the LDF-UDF duopoly with aggressive campaigning.Targeted outreach: Focus on coastal communities, women voters, and welfare promises.High-decibel campaign: Backed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and central leadership. WeaknessesLimited historical presence: BJP has struggled to win significant seats in Kerala.Organisational gaps: Compared to LDF/UDF’s entrenched networks.OpportunitiesTriangular contest: Even small vote share gains could impact outcomes.Issue-based politics: Sabarimala, welfare schemes, and development narrative. ThreatsPolarised electorate: Kerala’s traditional alignment may limit expansion.Strategic voting: Voters may consolidate behind LDF or UDF to block BJP.Promises and bigger promises The elections are bound to witness more intense competition in welfare commitments, with all three fronts expanding their promise baskets. While the ideological differences remain, there is a clear convergence on social security, employment generation, and public service delivery in order to mint vote dividends.Here is a detailed break-up of what each alliance has promised:LDF – Welfare continuity with development pushThe LDF manifesto builds on its governance record, combining welfare expansion with long-term economic planning:Poverty eradication: Target to uplift around 5 lakh of the poorest families through focused intervention programmesWelfare pensions: Increase social security pension to Rs 3,000, with continued support for vulnerable groupsEmployment generation: Assured 60,000 campus placementsPromising Interest-free loans for youth entrepreneurship:Women empowerment: Target to raise women’s workforce participation to 50%UDF – Welfare expansion with governance resetThe UDF’s manifesto focuses on direct benefits, social welfare expansion, and institutional reforms:Direct welfare measures:Rs 1,000 monthly financial assistance for college studentsFree travel for women in KSRTC busesExpansion of subsidised food schemes like Indira CanteensHealth insurance cover up to Rs 25 lakhInterest-free loans up to Rs 5 lakh for startupsAgriculture & labour:Increase rubber support price to Rs 300 per kgRaise ASHA worker wages to Rs 700 per dayNDA / BJP – Welfare plus infrastructure and governance overhaulThe BJP-led NDA is blending welfare assurances with infrastructure-heavy promises and institutional reforms:Direct welfare support:Rs 3,000 monthly pension for poor women, widows, and senior citizens (70+)Rs 2,500 monthly assistance for medicines and groceriesServices – amenities:20,000 litres of free water per household per monthTwo free LPG cylinders annually (on Onam and Christmas)Infrastructure:High-speed rail corridor from Thiruvananthapuram to KannurReligious & cultural issues:Temple management reforms giving more control to devoteesSabarimala Development Mission for pilgrim infrastructureTime-bound CBI probe into Sabarimala-related controversiesNew calculations in Kerala’s poll sceneKerala’s electoral arithmetic is undergoing subtle but significant shifts.The rise of three-cornered contests means that even a modest increase in vote share, particularly for the BJP, can influence outcomes in tightly contested seats. This does not necessarily translate into immediate seat gains but can alter the winning margins between LDF and UDF.At the same time, data suggests that over 100 constituencies in previous elections were won with less than 50% vote share. This structural feature makes Kerala uniquely sensitive to micro-swings.Urbanisation, youth migration, and changing voter expectations are also reshaping political behaviour. While traditional loyalties remain strong, there is growing volatility in segments such as first-time voters and urban middle classes.A contest of margins, not wavesThe 2026 Kerala Assembly elections are unlikely to produce a sweeping mandate. Instead, they are poised to be decided by narrow margins, local dynamics, and competing narratives of governance and change.For Pinarayi Vijayan, the challenge is to convert governance continuity into electoral endorsement. For the UDF, it is about translating anti-incumbency into a cohesive alternative. For the BJP, the goal is incremental but strategic expansion.Ultimately, the election may hinge not on broad political shifts, but on dozens of closely fought constituencies, where a few thousand votes could determine whether Kerala sticks with continuity, returns to its alternating pattern, or begins to redefine its political structure.About the AuthorYash SonkarWrites on politics, global affairs, and geopolitics for The Times of India. Tracks power and diplomacy as it moves, across capitals, corridors and negotiating tables, and what it changes along the way beyond rhetoric. Runs on nuance, news cycles and curiosity.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosCongress Leader Anand Sharma Praises Modi Govt’s West Asia Diplomacy, Urges National Unity Amid WarIndian Navy Boosts Nuclear Deterrence With INS Aridhaman Submarine, Enforces Undersea Strike PowerWhy Did India-Bound Oil Tanker Carrying Iranian Crude Change Course At The Last Minute?India’s Medium Transport Aircraft Programme Gains Momentum, HAL Joins Global Firms In RaceKerala Election 2026: Who Holds the Master Key? 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Vamsikrishna 0
What’s next for Raghav Chadha? Raghav Chadha’s outburst against Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leadership does not come as a surprise. For quite some time now, Chadha, who was once considered a close confidant of AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal, was not on the same page with the party’s top leadership. Raghav Chadha’s growing distance from AAP was amplified by his silence and also his absence from some of the biggest moments for the party, including the recent court relief for Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia.The breaking pointOn Thursday, this internal rift, which had been brewing for almost a year, finally exploded as AAP “demoted” Raghav Chadha and removed him from the post of deputy leader in Rajya Sabha. But the real sting was not just the replacement, it was AAP’s request to Rajya Sabha secretariat that Chadha should no longer be allotted speaking time from party’s official quota.A day later, Raghav reacted strongly to the party’s move triggering an open war of words. In a strongly-worded video message, Raghav questioned the party’s decision and asserted that he had been “silenced, not defeated”.”Whenever I get a chance, I raise issues concerning the people in Parliament, including topics that are often overlooked. But is it an offence to talk about people’s problems? Did I commit any crime? AAP has informed Parliament that I should not be given a chance to speak. I would like to tell them, do not take my silence for defeat,” Raghav Chadha said in the video, which had a series of short clips drawn from his recent speeches in Rajya Sabha. What Raghav Chadha saidChadha also attacked the party leadership over “demotion” and threw an open dare: “Do not take my silence as my defeat.I am like that river which can turn into a flood when the time comes.”‘Afraid, compromised’: How ‘soldiers’ of Kejriwal hit backHours after Raghav’s broadside, the AAP leaders hit back with full force calling their colleague “afraid and compromised.”Delhi AAP President Saurabh Bharadwaj alleged that Chadha failed to toe the party’s line on several matters in Parliament and did not join opposition walkouts on key issues.”Whenever the Opposition staged a walkout in Parliament, you (Chadha) did not participate. You did not raise issues concerning Punjab, from where you are elected, and you hid in a foreign country when former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal was arrested,” Bhardwaj said.”We all are soldiers of Arvind Kejriwal, the Centre doesn’t care about soft PR or talking about samosas at airport canteens when bigger issues are at stake. Because a small party has very limited time in Parliament, instead of raising trivial issues, it is more important to raise the big issues of the country,” he added.Referring to the impeachment motion submitted by opposition parties against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, Bharadwaj said Chadha refused to sign it. What AAP said”Whenever there is an issue on which the opposition walks out, you do not walk out. For a long time now, I have seen that you haven’t raised any issue in the House where you questioned the Prime Minister or the Bharatiya Janata Party government,” he said, further asking how the “fear politics” will work.Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann slammed said he believes Raghav Chadha is “compromised”, pointing out that he has gone against the party whip.Mann said that if Chadha is unwilling to speak on issues like the “deletion” of votes in West Bengal, stage a walkout from Parliament on important issues or raise a voice against the arrest of several AAP volunteers and leaders in Gujarat, then it is breaking the party line and going against the party whip.On Chadha’s remark about being “silenced”, Mann said, if there is a party line taken on any issue, like in Gujarat, where 160 AAP volunteers and leaders have been booked, and if someone wishes to speak, there are issues such as MSP, GST and other issues.”But, if instead of speaking on those, someone raises issues of samosa rates, pizza delivery, won’t you doubt that the person (Chadha) is speaking from some other station?” he said. Raghav Chadha’s AAP journey so farAAP leader Anurag Dhanda said Chadha has been “scared for the past few years” and has hesitated to speak against PM Narendra Modi.”In Gujarat, our hundreds of workers have been arrested by BJP’s police — will the honourable MP say something in the House? In West Bengal, the right to vote is being snatched away… For the past few years, you’ve been scared, Raghav. You hesitate to speak against Modi. You hesitate to speak on the real issues of the country,” Dhanda said.Delhi leader of opposition (LoP) and AAP leader Atishi also questioned Raghav Chadha for failing to raise issues concerning commoners amidst a national crisis and a significant shortage of LPG gas. She alleged that Raghav Chadha was hesitant to support the impeachment motion against the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC).Atishi posted a video on X and said, “Some questions I have for Raghav Chadha. Today, our nation is passing through an immense crisis. There is a grave threat to our Constitution, the West Bengal election is being stolen through the blatant misuse of the Election Commission, yet you are not raising any questions; why are you seemingly afraid to speak out against it?”Shifting the focus to economic grievances, Atishi emphasised, “Today, the most significant crisis facing the common man is the shortage of LPG gas. You are an influential person, so perhaps you do not face these hardships, but a common citizen is struggling even to cook a meal for their child.”Where was Raghav Chadha?The cracks between Chadha and AAP didn’t just appear yesterday; they’ve been widening for nearly two years. One of the biggest irritants for AAP appears to have been Chadha’s absence during critical moments.The first visible signs of a possible rift emerged in March 2024, when Kejriwal was arrested in connection with the excise policy case. Chadha was notably absent as he was in London undergoing treatment for an eye condition. His prolonged absence during the party’s darkest hour became a major talking point.While leaders like Sanjay Singh and Manish Sisodia were going to jail, Chadha’s absence from crucial press conferences and protest sites did not go unnoticed.Bharadwaj, in his video message, specifically highlighted Chadha’s absence, accusing him of staying away during the party’s crisis.”All our leaders were in jail… You were not in the country even at that time; you went and hid somewhere,” he said.Last month, when a Delhi court gave major relief to Kejriwal and Sisodia, the AAP headquarters was electric with celebration. Raghav Chadha, however, remained conspicuously silent — no tweet, no visit, and no presence at the press conference.The Punjab factorChadha, who was once dubbed as the architect of AAP’s 2022 win in Punjab, Chadha was gradually sidelined from the state affairs. AAP had then won 92 of the 117 assembly seats. Reports suggested that his ‘Delhi-style’ functioning did not sit well with the state leadership and chief minister Bhagwant Mann. Many felt he was acting as a “super CM”, which eventually led to him being pulled back from Punjab politics.Punjab goes to polls next year and for AAP, which has already lost Delhi, a defeat in the state would mean that the party would be left with no government. Clipping Raghav Chadha’s wings ahead of the next year polls could be part of AAP strategy to ensure that he is not used by its rivals during the elections.Targeted for raising ‘aam aadmi’ issuesChadha, on the other hand, claims he is being targeted for doing exactly what the party’s name suggests — raising issues of the ‘aam aadmi’.When he was replaced as Rajya Sabha deputy leader, he did not issue a statement but instead posted a video compilation of issues he had raised in Parliament.In the Rajya Sabha, Chadha has largely avoided direct political attacks and instead focused on issues with public connect: middle-class taxation, data rollover, gig workers’ rights, paternity leave, menstrual hygiene, airline baggage rules, and the “sarpanch pati” issue.He even briefly worked as a delivery partner to highlight gig economy concerns.What next for Raghav Chadha?Raghav Chadha may be on his way out of the Aam Aadmi Party. Today’s outbursts from both sides suggests that the differences have reached a point of no return and the bridge may already have been burnt. If Chadha does decide to quit, he will join a long list of leaders who started off with Kejriwal in 2012, but eventually fell apart. He will be walking the path already taken by leaders like Kailash Gahlot, Raaj Kumar Anand, Sushil Kumar Rinku, H.S. Phoolka, Rajesh Gupta, Vandana Gaur, Rohit Mehraulia, and Girish Soni. AAP’s Internal Rift TimelineInterestingly, both the BJP and the Congress have reacted in their own ways to the crisis within the AAP.Congress leader Udit Raj questioned Raghav Chadha’s indirect jab at the Aam Aadmi Party. Challenging Chadha’s stance, Raj asserted that there should be “absolutely no silence” on the matter, noting that “silence makes no sense at all” over this particular issue.”There should be absolutely no silence here. And on this particular issue, silence makes no sense at all. If Raghav Chadha is in politics–and he does raise public issues–then he ought to clarify the matter. If the party has done nothing wrong, he should say so plainly. He must also answer this: who silenced him?” said Raj.The Congress has huge stakes in Punjab, a state it lost to AAP in 2022. The grand-old-party would be happy to see a weakened and divided AAP as it gears up to reclaim the state in 2027. But the focus perhaps will be more on the BJP, which was quick to launch a sharp attack on AAP. BJP’s Delhi chief Virendra Sachdeva accused Arvind Kejriwal of running the party in an “authoritarian” manner.”Removing the Deputy Leader of the Rajya Sabha is a political party’s internal decision, and any party has the freedom to make such decisions. However, the way the Aam Aadmi Party instructed the Rajya Sabha Secretariat that Raghav Chadha should not be allowed to speak, and that he should not be given time to speak, is undemocratic,” the Delhi BJP president said.Taking a direct swipe at Kejriwal, Sachdeva alleged that the AAP Chief is intolerant of dissent, both within and outside his party. “This reflects authoritarianism on the part of Arvind Kejriwal, because he is a fearful and weak person. He does not like any opposition — whether within his own party or outside — especially those who have the courage to speak out,” Sachdeva said.AAP has already accused the BJP of “actively promoting” Raghav Chadha. Dropping hints of what may follow, AAP leader Saurabh Bhardwaj alleged that Raghav Chadha “consistently hangs back” whenever the party wants to raise issues against the Central government in Parliament.”The Election Commission appears to be working completely in tandem with the Central Government. Whose duty is it to raise a voice against this? Is it not the duty of the Members of Parliament?. Whenever such issues need to be raised in Parliament, Raghav Chadha consistently hangs back. He does not even want to mention the Central Government… The BJP actively promotes Raghav Chadha. His supporters amplify his social media posts. Why do they do this? The Parliament should serve as a forum for debating serious issues and finding resolutions to them… If you succumb to fear, your political career is effectively over,” the AAP leader said.The BJP, after parting ways with the Akalis in Punjab has been desperately trying to spread its base in the state. It has already coopted several senior leaders from the Congress, including former state chief minister Capt Amrinder Singh. It will be interesting to see if the saffron party will be open to any future association with Raghav Chadha in case the AAP leader decides to dump his party and start a new political innings.About the AuthorPriyanka MukherjeePriyanka Mukherjee is an Assistant News Editor at The Times of India, where deadlines rarely slow down. Often juggling breaking news, long-form explainers and the everyday chaos of the newsroom, she is usually managing stress, chasing clarity and trying to log off on time (rarely successful). She also cares deeply about stories around women’s rights and social change, while two very opinionated dogs make sure she never truly switches off.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosCongress Leader Anand Sharma Praises Modi Govt’s West Asia Diplomacy, Urges National Unity Amid WarIndian Navy Boosts Nuclear Deterrence With INS Aridhaman Submarine, Enforces Undersea Strike PowerWhy Did India-Bound Oil Tanker Carrying Iranian Crude Change Course At The Last Minute?India’s Medium Transport Aircraft Programme Gains Momentum, HAL Joins Global Firms In RaceKerala Election 2026: Who Holds the Master Key? 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What’s next for Raghav Chadha? Raghav Chadha’s outburst against Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leadership does not come as a surprise. For quite some time now, Chadha, who was once considered a close confidant of AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal, was not on the same page with the party’s top leadership. Raghav Chadha’s growing distance from AAP was amplified by his silence and also his absence from some of the biggest moments for the party, including the recent court relief for Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia.The breaking pointOn Thursday, this internal rift, which had been brewing for almost a year, finally exploded as AAP “demoted” Raghav Chadha and removed him from the post of deputy leader in Rajya Sabha. But the real sting was not just the replacement, it was AAP’s request to Rajya Sabha secretariat that Chadha should no longer be allotted speaking time from party’s official quota.A day later, Raghav reacted strongly to the party’s move triggering an open war of words. In a strongly-worded video message, Raghav questioned the party’s decision and asserted that he had been “silenced, not defeated”.”Whenever I get a chance, I raise issues concerning the people in Parliament, including topics that are often overlooked. But is it an offence to talk about people’s problems? Did I commit any crime? AAP has informed Parliament that I should not be given a chance to speak. I would like to tell them, do not take my silence for defeat,” Raghav Chadha said in the video, which had a series of short clips drawn from his recent speeches in Rajya Sabha. What Raghav Chadha saidChadha also attacked the party leadership over “demotion” and threw an open dare: “Do not take my silence as my defeat.I am like that river which can turn into a flood when the time comes.”‘Afraid, compromised’: How ‘soldiers’ of Kejriwal hit backHours after Raghav’s broadside, the AAP leaders hit back with full force calling their colleague “afraid and compromised.”Delhi AAP President Saurabh Bharadwaj alleged that Chadha failed to toe the party’s line on several matters in Parliament and did not join opposition walkouts on key issues.”Whenever the Opposition staged a walkout in Parliament, you (Chadha) did not participate. You did not raise issues concerning Punjab, from where you are elected, and you hid in a foreign country when former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal was arrested,” Bhardwaj said.”We all are soldiers of Arvind Kejriwal, the Centre doesn’t care about soft PR or talking about samosas at airport canteens when bigger issues are at stake. Because a small party has very limited time in Parliament, instead of raising trivial issues, it is more important to raise the big issues of the country,” he added.Referring to the impeachment motion submitted by opposition parties against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, Bharadwaj said Chadha refused to sign it. What AAP said”Whenever there is an issue on which the opposition walks out, you do not walk out. For a long time now, I have seen that you haven’t raised any issue in the House where you questioned the Prime Minister or the Bharatiya Janata Party government,” he said, further asking how the “fear politics” will work.Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann slammed said he believes Raghav Chadha is “compromised”, pointing out that he has gone against the party whip.Mann said that if Chadha is unwilling to speak on issues like the “deletion” of votes in West Bengal, stage a walkout from Parliament on important issues or raise a voice against the arrest of several AAP volunteers and leaders in Gujarat, then it is breaking the party line and going against the party whip.On Chadha’s remark about being “silenced”, Mann said, if there is a party line taken on any issue, like in Gujarat, where 160 AAP volunteers and leaders have been booked, and if someone wishes to speak, there are issues such as MSP, GST and other issues.”But, if instead of speaking on those, someone raises issues of samosa rates, pizza delivery, won’t you doubt that the person (Chadha) is speaking from some other station?” he said. Raghav Chadha’s AAP journey so farAAP leader Anurag Dhanda said Chadha has been “scared for the past few years” and has hesitated to speak against PM Narendra Modi.”In Gujarat, our hundreds of workers have been arrested by BJP’s police — will the honourable MP say something in the House? In West Bengal, the right to vote is being snatched away… For the past few years, you’ve been scared, Raghav. You hesitate to speak against Modi. You hesitate to speak on the real issues of the country,” Dhanda said.Delhi leader of opposition (LoP) and AAP leader Atishi also questioned Raghav Chadha for failing to raise issues concerning commoners amidst a national crisis and a significant shortage of LPG gas. She alleged that Raghav Chadha was hesitant to support the impeachment motion against the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC).Atishi posted a video on X and said, “Some questions I have for Raghav Chadha. Today, our nation is passing through an immense crisis. There is a grave threat to our Constitution, the West Bengal election is being stolen through the blatant misuse of the Election Commission, yet you are not raising any questions; why are you seemingly afraid to speak out against it?”Shifting the focus to economic grievances, Atishi emphasised, “Today, the most significant crisis facing the common man is the shortage of LPG gas. You are an influential person, so perhaps you do not face these hardships, but a common citizen is struggling even to cook a meal for their child.”Where was Raghav Chadha?The cracks between Chadha and AAP didn’t just appear yesterday; they’ve been widening for nearly two years. One of the biggest irritants for AAP appears to have been Chadha’s absence during critical moments.The first visible signs of a possible rift emerged in March 2024, when Kejriwal was arrested in connection with the excise policy case. Chadha was notably absent as he was in London undergoing treatment for an eye condition. His prolonged absence during the party’s darkest hour became a major talking point.While leaders like Sanjay Singh and Manish Sisodia were going to jail, Chadha’s absence from crucial press conferences and protest sites did not go unnoticed.Bharadwaj, in his video message, specifically highlighted Chadha’s absence, accusing him of staying away during the party’s crisis.”All our leaders were in jail… You were not in the country even at that time; you went and hid somewhere,” he said.Last month, when a Delhi court gave major relief to Kejriwal and Sisodia, the AAP headquarters was electric with celebration. Raghav Chadha, however, remained conspicuously silent — no tweet, no visit, and no presence at the press conference.The Punjab factorChadha, who was once dubbed as the architect of AAP’s 2022 win in Punjab, Chadha was gradually sidelined from the state affairs. AAP had then won 92 of the 117 assembly seats. Reports suggested that his ‘Delhi-style’ functioning did not sit well with the state leadership and chief minister Bhagwant Mann. Many felt he was acting as a “super CM”, which eventually led to him being pulled back from Punjab politics.Punjab goes to polls next year and for AAP, which has already lost Delhi, a defeat in the state would mean that the party would be left with no government. Clipping Raghav Chadha’s wings ahead of the next year polls could be part of AAP strategy to ensure that he is not used by its rivals during the elections.Targeted for raising ‘aam aadmi’ issuesChadha, on the other hand, claims he is being targeted for doing exactly what the party’s name suggests — raising issues of the ‘aam aadmi’.When he was replaced as Rajya Sabha deputy leader, he did not issue a statement but instead posted a video compilation of issues he had raised in Parliament.In the Rajya Sabha, Chadha has largely avoided direct political attacks and instead focused on issues with public connect: middle-class taxation, data rollover, gig workers’ rights, paternity leave, menstrual hygiene, airline baggage rules, and the “sarpanch pati” issue.He even briefly worked as a delivery partner to highlight gig economy concerns.What next for Raghav Chadha?Raghav Chadha may be on his way out of the Aam Aadmi Party. Today’s outbursts from both sides suggests that the differences have reached a point of no return and the bridge may already have been burnt. If Chadha does decide to quit, he will join a long list of leaders who started off with Kejriwal in 2012, but eventually fell apart. He will be walking the path already taken by leaders like Kailash Gahlot, Raaj Kumar Anand, Sushil Kumar Rinku, H.S. Phoolka, Rajesh Gupta, Vandana Gaur, Rohit Mehraulia, and Girish Soni. AAP’s Internal Rift TimelineInterestingly, both the BJP and the Congress have reacted in their own ways to the crisis within the AAP.Congress leader Udit Raj questioned Raghav Chadha’s indirect jab at the Aam Aadmi Party. Challenging Chadha’s stance, Raj asserted that there should be “absolutely no silence” on the matter, noting that “silence makes no sense at all” over this particular issue.”There should be absolutely no silence here. And on this particular issue, silence makes no sense at all. If Raghav Chadha is in politics–and he does raise public issues–then he ought to clarify the matter. If the party has done nothing wrong, he should say so plainly. He must also answer this: who silenced him?” said Raj.The Congress has huge stakes in Punjab, a state it lost to AAP in 2022. The grand-old-party would be happy to see a weakened and divided AAP as it gears up to reclaim the state in 2027. But the focus perhaps will be more on the BJP, which was quick to launch a sharp attack on AAP. BJP’s Delhi chief Virendra Sachdeva accused Arvind Kejriwal of running the party in an “authoritarian” manner.”Removing the Deputy Leader of the Rajya Sabha is a political party’s internal decision, and any party has the freedom to make such decisions. However, the way the Aam Aadmi Party instructed the Rajya Sabha Secretariat that Raghav Chadha should not be allowed to speak, and that he should not be given time to speak, is undemocratic,” the Delhi BJP president said.Taking a direct swipe at Kejriwal, Sachdeva alleged that the AAP Chief is intolerant of dissent, both within and outside his party. “This reflects authoritarianism on the part of Arvind Kejriwal, because he is a fearful and weak person. He does not like any opposition — whether within his own party or outside — especially those who have the courage to speak out,” Sachdeva said.AAP has already accused the BJP of “actively promoting” Raghav Chadha. Dropping hints of what may follow, AAP leader Saurabh Bhardwaj alleged that Raghav Chadha “consistently hangs back” whenever the party wants to raise issues against the Central government in Parliament.”The Election Commission appears to be working completely in tandem with the Central Government. Whose duty is it to raise a voice against this? Is it not the duty of the Members of Parliament?. Whenever such issues need to be raised in Parliament, Raghav Chadha consistently hangs back. He does not even want to mention the Central Government… The BJP actively promotes Raghav Chadha. His supporters amplify his social media posts. Why do they do this? The Parliament should serve as a forum for debating serious issues and finding resolutions to them… If you succumb to fear, your political career is effectively over,” the AAP leader said.The BJP, after parting ways with the Akalis in Punjab has been desperately trying to spread its base in the state. It has already coopted several senior leaders from the Congress, including former state chief minister Capt Amrinder Singh. It will be interesting to see if the saffron party will be open to any future association with Raghav Chadha in case the AAP leader decides to dump his party and start a new political innings.About the AuthorPriyanka MukherjeePriyanka Mukherjee is an Assistant News Editor at The Times of India, where deadlines rarely slow down. Often juggling breaking news, long-form explainers and the everyday chaos of the newsroom, she is usually managing stress, chasing clarity and trying to log off on time (rarely successful). She also cares deeply about stories around women’s rights and social change, while two very opinionated dogs make sure she never truly switches off.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosCongress Leader Anand Sharma Praises Modi Govt’s West Asia Diplomacy, Urges National Unity Amid WarIndian Navy Boosts Nuclear Deterrence With INS Aridhaman Submarine, Enforces Undersea Strike PowerWhy Did India-Bound Oil Tanker Carrying Iranian Crude Change Course At The Last Minute?India’s Medium Transport Aircraft Programme Gains Momentum, HAL Joins Global Firms In RaceKerala Election 2026: Who Holds the Master Key? 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