April 1, 2026

Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan NEW DELHI: The Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Thursday launched a sharp counterattack on Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge over their criticism of the party in poll-bound Kerala, accusing the Congress of targeting the Left for electoral gains while going soft on the BJP.In a strongly worded statement, the CPI(M) said the Congress was reneging on its claim of fighting communal-authoritarian forces and had instead become “a feeder organisation for the BJP.”The CPI(M) Polit Bureau also strongly disapproved of what it called the “provocative statements” made by Rahul Gandhi and Kharge against Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan and the secular credentials of the party.“Such canards are being spread by them to secure cheap electoral gains in the Assembly elections. Israel Iran WarMiddle East conflict: One Indian dead, another injured by missile debris in Abu Dhabi‘Man who ran Strait of Hormuz’: Iran navy commander Alireza Tangsiri killed in Israeli strikeBab al-Mandeb: How the ‘Gate of Tears’ may emerge as Iran’s second choke point after HormuzBy targeting the CPI(M) instead of the BJP, the Congress leaders are reneging on their claim of fighting communal-authoritarian forces. The people of Kerala will see through this sinister agenda,” CPI(M) said in a statement.The response came after Rahul Gandhi and Kharge launched a broadside against the ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF) while kicking off the United Democratic Front’s (UDF) campaign for the Kerala elections from Kozhikode on Wednesday.Gandhi alleged that there was an understanding between the LDF and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the state.“There are actually only two sides fighting here in Keralam. One is the UDF alliance, and the other is the partnership between the BJP and the LDF. The UDF unites people, listens to them, and embraces and empowers them. The LDF and their hidden partner divide people and crush them,” he said while addressing the campaign through video conferencing.He also referred to cases filed against opposition leaders and questioned why similar action had not been taken against the Kerala Chief Minister.Gandhi said he himself had around 40 cases and had been questioned by the Enforcement Directorate for five consecutive days, and alleged that the lack of similar action against Vijayan “despite corruption cases” was evidence of a BJP-LDF understanding.Responding to the allegations, the CPI(M), which is also a constituent of the INDIA bloc along with the Congress, said the Congress should introspect on why many of its leaders in different states had joined the BJP.“It is a well-known fact that the present BJP Chief Minister of Assam held important portfolios in the earlier Congress government. In Tripura, the entire Congress leadership joined the BJP in 2018 in order to defeat the Left Front. Many ministers in the Union government and Members of Parliament belonging to the BJP were earlier prominent leaders in the Congress. The Congress became a feeder organisation for the BJP,” the statement said.The party further accused the Congress of allying with minority fundamentalist forces in the state.“Even in these elections, the Congress is allying with minority fundamentalist forces. The Congress-League-BJP nexus has been exposed in various elections in Kerala, including the recently concluded local body elections,” it said.Kerala will go to the polls on April 9 and votes will be counted on May 4. The Congress-led UDF is seeking to unseat the ruling LDF.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘Get Serious Before It’s Too Late’, Trump To Iran; Indian Govt Says ‘Have Enough Fuel For 2 Months’West Asia Conflict: PM Modi To Chair Key Meet With CMs To Review Preparedness, PlansIAF Seeks Ultra-Light High-Altitude Drones To Enhance Garud Commandos Capabilities | WatchHow Precision Rockets Are Changing Modern Warfare | Pinaka System Explained’India Is An Oasis Of Energy Security’: Govt Says No Fuel Shortage, Warns Against Misinformation’China And India Cannot Be Moved Apart’: Chinese Envoy’s BIG Message To Delhi, Urges Good TiesIndia-US Defence Partnership Enters New Phase With Focus On Co-Development And Technology SharingUP CM Yogi Adityanath Warns Against LPG Hoarding As Global War Sparks Panic And Rumour SpreadEAM Jaishankar Highlights Israel’s Support In Wars, Calls It Vital For Defence TechnologyTharoor Warns West Asia War May Worsen, Flags LPG Shortage And Fuel Price Risks123PhotostoriesFrom Jameel Jamali to Ram Prasad and Ravi Choudhary; Rakesh Bedi’s memorable roles in BollywoodObjectum sexuality: 10 bizarre incidents where people “Married” objectsWhat men really want! 5 things husbands secretly wish from their wivesDurandhar 2’s Rakesh Bedi aka Jameel Jamali’s 5 memorable shows: From Taarak Mehta Ka Ooltah Chashmah to Shrimaan ShrimatiWant puffed-up pooris every time? Chef Ranveer Brar reveals 2 simple tricks to follow5 versatile bikes that adapt to every terrain with precisionTired of Shimla-Manali? Try these offbeat hill stations instead this summer5 classic Chuck Norris movies to watch this weekend: From ‘Code of Silence’ to ‘Forest Warrior’From meeting on ‘Uri’ sets to secretly marrying in Himachal:’Dhurandhar’ filmmaker Aditya Dhar and actress Yami Gautam’s heartwarming love storyFrom blobfish to blue-footed booby; 7 wild animals with seriously funny names!123Hot PicksKaroline LeavitTristan da Cunha8th Pay CommissionGold rate todayIncome Tax CalculatorPublic holidays April 2026Bank Holidays AprilTop TrendingOil Price TodayHyderabad MurderStrait of Hormuz Toll SystemDonald TrumpUAE Car InsuranceIndor Techie AccidentFlight Ticket Cancellation RulesWest Bengal ElectionLPG crisis reasonTransgender law

Vamsikrishna03 mins mins
Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan NEW DELHI: The Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Thursday launched a sharp counterattack on Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge over their criticism of the party in poll-bound Kerala, accusing the Congress of targeting the Left for electoral gains while going soft on the BJP.In a strongly worded statement, the CPI(M) said the Congress was reneging on its claim of fighting communal-authoritarian forces and had instead become “a feeder organisation for the BJP.”The CPI(M) Polit Bureau also strongly disapproved of what it called the “provocative statements” made by Rahul Gandhi and Kharge against Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan and the secular credentials of the party.“Such canards are being spread by them to secure cheap electoral gains in the Assembly elections. Israel Iran WarMiddle East conflict: One Indian dead, another injured by missile debris in Abu Dhabi‘Man who ran Strait of Hormuz’: Iran navy commander Alireza Tangsiri killed in Israeli strikeBab al-Mandeb: How the ‘Gate of Tears’ may emerge as Iran’s second choke point after HormuzBy targeting the CPI(M) instead of the BJP, the Congress leaders are reneging on their claim of fighting communal-authoritarian forces. The people of Kerala will see through this sinister agenda,” CPI(M) said in a statement.The response came after Rahul Gandhi and Kharge launched a broadside against the ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF) while kicking off the United Democratic Front’s (UDF) campaign for the Kerala elections from Kozhikode on Wednesday.Gandhi alleged that there was an understanding between the LDF and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the state.“There are actually only two sides fighting here in Keralam. One is the UDF alliance, and the other is the partnership between the BJP and the LDF. The UDF unites people, listens to them, and embraces and empowers them. The LDF and their hidden partner divide people and crush them,” he said while addressing the campaign through video conferencing.He also referred to cases filed against opposition leaders and questioned why similar action had not been taken against the Kerala Chief Minister.Gandhi said he himself had around 40 cases and had been questioned by the Enforcement Directorate for five consecutive days, and alleged that the lack of similar action against Vijayan “despite corruption cases” was evidence of a BJP-LDF understanding.Responding to the allegations, the CPI(M), which is also a constituent of the INDIA bloc along with the Congress, said the Congress should introspect on why many of its leaders in different states had joined the BJP.“It is a well-known fact that the present BJP Chief Minister of Assam held important portfolios in the earlier Congress government. In Tripura, the entire Congress leadership joined the BJP in 2018 in order to defeat the Left Front. Many ministers in the Union government and Members of Parliament belonging to the BJP were earlier prominent leaders in the Congress. The Congress became a feeder organisation for the BJP,” the statement said.The party further accused the Congress of allying with minority fundamentalist forces in the state.“Even in these elections, the Congress is allying with minority fundamentalist forces. The Congress-League-BJP nexus has been exposed in various elections in Kerala, including the recently concluded local body elections,” it said.Kerala will go to the polls on April 9 and votes will be counted on May 4. The Congress-led UDF is seeking to unseat the ruling LDF.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘Get Serious Before It’s Too Late’, Trump To Iran; Indian Govt Says ‘Have Enough Fuel For 2 Months’West Asia Conflict: PM Modi To Chair Key Meet With CMs To Review Preparedness, PlansIAF Seeks Ultra-Light High-Altitude Drones To Enhance Garud Commandos Capabilities | WatchHow Precision Rockets Are Changing Modern Warfare | Pinaka System Explained’India Is An Oasis Of Energy Security’: Govt Says No Fuel Shortage, Warns Against Misinformation’China And India Cannot Be Moved Apart’: Chinese Envoy’s BIG Message To Delhi, Urges Good TiesIndia-US Defence Partnership Enters New Phase With Focus On Co-Development And Technology SharingUP CM Yogi Adityanath Warns Against LPG Hoarding As Global War Sparks Panic And Rumour SpreadEAM Jaishankar Highlights Israel’s Support In Wars, Calls It Vital For Defence TechnologyTharoor Warns West Asia War May Worsen, Flags LPG Shortage And Fuel Price Risks123PhotostoriesFrom Jameel Jamali to Ram Prasad and Ravi Choudhary; Rakesh Bedi’s memorable roles in BollywoodObjectum sexuality: 10 bizarre incidents where people “Married” objectsWhat men really want! 5 things husbands secretly wish from their wivesDurandhar 2’s Rakesh Bedi aka Jameel Jamali’s 5 memorable shows: From Taarak Mehta Ka Ooltah Chashmah to Shrimaan ShrimatiWant puffed-up pooris every time? Chef Ranveer Brar reveals 2 simple tricks to follow5 versatile bikes that adapt to every terrain with precisionTired of Shimla-Manali? Try these offbeat hill stations instead this summer5 classic Chuck Norris movies to watch this weekend: From ‘Code of Silence’ to ‘Forest Warrior’From meeting on ‘Uri’ sets to secretly marrying in Himachal:’Dhurandhar’ filmmaker Aditya Dhar and actress Yami Gautam’s heartwarming love storyFrom blobfish to blue-footed booby; 7 wild animals with seriously funny names!123Hot PicksKaroline LeavitTristan da Cunha8th Pay CommissionGold rate todayIncome Tax CalculatorPublic holidays April 2026Bank Holidays AprilTop TrendingOil Price TodayHyderabad MurderStrait of Hormuz Toll SystemDonald TrumpUAE Car InsuranceIndor Techie AccidentFlight Ticket Cancellation RulesWest Bengal ElectionLPG crisis reasonTransgender law


'Sinister agenda': CPI(M) fires back at Rahul, Kharge; accuses Congress of helping BJP
Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan

NEW DELHI: The Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Thursday launched a sharp counterattack on Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge over their criticism of the party in poll-bound Kerala, accusing the Congress of targeting the Left for electoral gains while going soft on the BJP.In a strongly worded statement, the CPI(M) said the Congress was reneging on its claim of fighting communal-authoritarian forces and had instead become “a feeder organisation for the BJP.”The CPI(M) Polit Bureau also strongly disapproved of what it called the “provocative statements” made by Rahul Gandhi and Kharge against Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan and the secular credentials of the party.“Such canards are being spread by them to secure cheap electoral gains in the Assembly elections. By targeting the CPI(M) instead of the BJP, the Congress leaders are reneging on their claim of fighting communal-authoritarian forces. The people of Kerala will see through this sinister agenda,” CPI(M) said in a statement.The response came after Rahul Gandhi and Kharge launched a broadside against the ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF) while kicking off the United Democratic Front’s (UDF) campaign for the Kerala elections from Kozhikode on Wednesday.Gandhi alleged that there was an understanding between the LDF and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the state.“There are actually only two sides fighting here in Keralam. One is the UDF alliance, and the other is the partnership between the BJP and the LDF. The UDF unites people, listens to them, and embraces and empowers them. The LDF and their hidden partner divide people and crush them,” he said while addressing the campaign through video conferencing.He also referred to cases filed against opposition leaders and questioned why similar action had not been taken against the Kerala Chief Minister.Gandhi said he himself had around 40 cases and had been questioned by the Enforcement Directorate for five consecutive days, and alleged that the lack of similar action against Vijayan “despite corruption cases” was evidence of a BJP-LDF understanding.Responding to the allegations, the CPI(M), which is also a constituent of the INDIA bloc along with the Congress, said the Congress should introspect on why many of its leaders in different states had joined the BJP.“It is a well-known fact that the present BJP Chief Minister of Assam held important portfolios in the earlier Congress government. In Tripura, the entire Congress leadership joined the BJP in 2018 in order to defeat the Left Front. Many ministers in the Union government and Members of Parliament belonging to the BJP were earlier prominent leaders in the Congress. The Congress became a feeder organisation for the BJP,” the statement said.The party further accused the Congress of allying with minority fundamentalist forces in the state.“Even in these elections, the Congress is allying with minority fundamentalist forces. The Congress-League-BJP nexus has been exposed in various elections in Kerala, including the recently concluded local body elections,” it said.Kerala will go to the polls on April 9 and votes will be counted on May 4. The Congress-led UDF is seeking to unseat the ruling LDF.



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Congress’ V Vaithilingam; CM N Rangasamy; TVK chief Vijay NEW DELHI: The upcoming Puducherry assembly elections have set the stage for a direct contest between the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) of All India NR Congress (AINRC)–BJP and the Congress–DMK’s Secular Progressive Alliance (SPA).The NDA, led by chief minister and AINRC founder-president N Rangasamy, is aiming for a second consecutive term. Meanwhile, the Congress and DMK finalised their seat-sharing at the last moment, and will fight to reclaim power in the Union territory. Puducherry assembly polls 2026Puducherry’s 33-member legislative assembly includes 30 elected seats, while three members are nominated by the Centre. Voting will be held on April 9, followed by counting on May 4, alongside counting in Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, all of which will also vote this month.A snapshot of past electionsPuducherry has not re-elected a government since the Congress in 2006. In February 2011, Rangasamy, a former Congress member, launched the AINRC, which came to power a few months later. The grand old party reclaimed power in 2016, before the AINRC–BJP combine won the assembly elections in 2021.In the previous polls, the AINRC and BJP—contesting together for only the second time and their first assembly election as allies—ousted the Congress. The alliance won 16 seats, exactly the majority needed to form the government. How parties fared in Puducherry assembly polls 2021Five years before that, the Congress had emerged victorious with 15 seats, while the DMK added two more to their joint tally. The AINRC, which had experienced rapid success soon after its formation, was voted out, securing just eight seats.Can AINRC reverse the trend?High-stake contestThe most high-profile contest of the election is set to unfold in Thattanchavady, featuring two candidates who were once in the same party and have both held the UT’s top executive post. On the final day of nominations, with the Congress and DMK yet to finalise a seat-sharing agreement, V Vaithilingam, Puducherry Congress president and former chief minister, filed his nomination from Thattanchavady, setting up a direct clash against Rangasamy, the outgoing CM. Thattanchavady constituencySince his second term as chief minister ended in 2011, Vaithilingam has represented the UT’s only Lok Sabha seat—also called Puducherry—which he won in both the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Meanwhile, Rangasamy has held the chief ministerial post four times, twice each with the Congress and later with the AINRC.Thattanchavady could, therefore, once again decide Puducherry’s next chief minister.Major poll battlesWhile the Rangasamy–Vaithilingam contest will be the most high-profile battle, several other constituencies are also set to witness intense fights. For the Raj Bhavan segment, the NDA has nominated VP Ramalingam, the Puducherry BJP chief. The SPA nominee is Vignesh Kannan, who recently joined the DMK and is the son of the late P Kannan, an ex-Puducherry minister and a former parliamentarian. Key battlesIn Lawspet, AINRC’s VP Sivakolundhu, who served as assembly speaker while in the Congress, faces a strong challenge from V Saminathan of actor-politician Vijay’s two-year-old Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). Saminathan, a former Puducherry BJP president, holds the distinction of being the longest-serving leader in that position, making this race a high-stakes contest.In Mahe and Yanam, which fall in Kerala and Andhra Pradesh respectively, the NDA candidates are A Dineshan (BJP) and Malladi Krishna Rao (AINRC). The SPA candidates are Ramesh Parambath (Congress) and GS Ashok (Congress). Puducherry dynasty candidatesOther major candidates include home minister and BJP leader A Namassivayam (Mannadipet), minority affairs minister and BJP leader A Johnkumar (Mudaliarpet), and AINRC’s Nedungadu nominee Chandira Priyanga, a former minister who resigned in October 2023 as the lone woman in the cabinet.From the Congress-DMK alliance, DMK’s R Siva, leader of the opposition in the outgoing assembly, will contest from Villianur. DMK leader and ex-minister AMH Nazeem will contest the Karaikal South seat.Key issues dominating the election campaignStatehood: Ahead of the electoral battle, the long-pending demand for statehood for Puducherry has emerged as the biggest issue and could play a decisive role in the outcome. As the ruling party and an ally of the BJP, which leads the Union government, the AINRC stands to lose the most if the opposition is able to bring this issue to the forefront effectively.Puducherry’s Union territory status means that most administrative matters are decided by the lieutenant governor—the UT’s constitutional head appointed by the President on the Centre’s recommendation—rather than the chief minister. For instance, the police department reports to the Union home ministry, unlike in a full-fledged state, where it functions under the elected political administration. Successive governments in the UT have cited this lack of full-fledged powers as a hindrance to effective governance.‘Excessive’ focus on Puducherry district: The district, which shares its name with the Union territory and is home to its capital city of the same name, also accounts for a lion’s share of the assembly seats. Out of the 30 assembly constituencies, 23 are located here, giving it an overwhelming influence in determining the outcome of the elections. This concentration of seats means that political campaigns, party strategies, and voter attention are heavily focused on the Puducherry district, often overshadowing Karaikal, Mahe, and Yanam. Additionally, Mahe and Yanam are surrounded by two different states (Kerala and Andhra Pradesh, respectively), which shape their political and administrative dynamics differently. Candidates with criminal casesWater contamination: In September 2025, the Puducherry city faced a public health concern due to contaminated drinking water in some areas, with many residents reportedly falling ill with symptoms like diarrhoea and vomiting after consuming unsafe water. The contamination was believed to be caused by poor sanitation and possible mixing of sewage with the water supply. The incident led to protests and raised concerns about the need for better water quality management and improved public health measures.Unemployment: Despite its small size and relatively low population, the UT has recorded a high unemployment rate. In June 2021, just a month into the AINRC–BJP government’s first term, the unemployment rate stood at a national high of 47.1%, according to a Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) study, compared to a national average of 9.2%.This was significantly lower than the figures recorded in April 2020, when the unemployment rate had peaked at 75.8% against a national average of 23.5%, largely due to the lockdown imposed to curb the spread of Covid-19.SWOT analysisNDA: The alliance has retained its previous formula, under which AINRC will contest 16 seats and BJP 14. From its quota, the BJP has allocated two seats each to allies like the AIADMK and the newly formed Latchiya Jananayaga Katchi (LJK), led by businessman Jose Charles Martin, son of “lottery king” Santiago Martin.StrengthCM Rangasamy’s pro-people image The UT government’s popularity Rangasamy is implementing a slew of welfare measuresWeaknessBJP remains relatively weak in PuducherryAIADMK has struggled electorally, including losing all five seats it contested in 2021.Allegations including corruption, failure to maintain law and order, and “political blessings’ for a fake drug manufacturing racket busted last yearOpportunityGreater friction within the opposition coalition compared to the ruling one Better coordination with the Centre, as the BJP leads the central government and is part of the ruling coalition in PuducherryThreat Anti-incumbency, with no ruling party re-elected since 2006Strains within the NDA, including the Centre’s failure to deliver on the statehood promise and the BJP, including Jose Charles Martin in the alliance NDA SWOTCongress-DMK: The Congress–DMK alliance is the more traditional of the two major coalitions, having contested assembly elections here since 2006.Last time, the DMK won six constituencies compared to the Congress’ two, emerging as the second-largest party and holding the leader of the opposition post.The Congress will field 16 candidates, with the remaining seats allotted to the DMK. The MK Stalin-led party had initially announced one seat from its quota for the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK). However, the VCK chose to contest independently and field its own candidates in three constituencies.StrengthAs the two most successful parties, both – especially the Congress – continue to have a widespread organisational presenceWeaknessCongress’ inability to convert issues into votesCongress-DMK sea-sharing friction almost derailed the allianceOpportunityThe previous AINRC (2011–2016) and Congress (2016–2021) administrations both lost power after just one termThreatCongress’ broader national declineDespite potential anti-incumbency, AINRC-BJP combine appears better positioned to retain powerThe last-day seat-sharing announcement could lead to friendly contests Congress-DMK SWOTWildcard factorAs in neighbouring Tamil Nadu, the biggest wildcard factor in Puducherry is “Thalapathy” Vijay. His TVK initially announced candidates for all 30 constituencies before joining hands with independent legislator G Nehru’s newly formed Neyam Makkal Kazhagam (NMK).Under this arrangement, the TVK withdrew its nominees from the Orleanpet and Thattanchavady seats for the NMK. Nehru himself will contest from Orleanpet, while NMK general secretary E Vinayagam will stand from Thattanchavady.Like in Tamil Nadu, the TVK’s biggest strength is Vijay’s massive popularity; his Puducherry rally in December last year drew thousands. Yet, converting his fan base into votes will be the party’s biggest challenge. Additionally, as a newly formed party—it was launched in February 2024—the TVK lacks both a strong grassroots organisation and governance experience compared to more established parties.Yet, TVK could attract voters seeking alternatives beyond the two major alliances. This could end up benefiting one of the two while hurting the other, and at the same time help establish TVK as a rising political force.Unsurprisingly, Vijay was reportedly courted by the AIADMK, BJP, and Congress in Tamil Nadu, but he declined overtures from all three.StrengthBuilt-in fan base driven by Vijay’s strong popularityWeaknessPolitical debutant; therefore lacks political and policy experienceLack of a grassroots organisational networkNo prominent face beyond VijayOpportunityPositioning as a fresh alternative to the dominant coalitionsAttracting voters seeking changeThreatPotential difficulty in converting fan support into actual votesReputation impact following the Karur stampedePotential disruptions due to frequent travel to Delhi for CBI questioning TVK SWOTStage set for poll battleAs the elections approach, several political heavyweights—including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union home minister Amit Shah, and Congress MP and Lok Sabha leader of opposition Rahul Gandhi—are expected to visit Puducherry regularly to campaign for their respective parties..Still, attention is not on Puducherry as it is a Union territory and small in size. However, it has its own politics and stands out for its French colonial past and the fact that its four districts are spread across three different states, with two of the states—Tamil Nadu and Kerala —voting in the current round, giving the UT a unique political significance.With the key players and alliances in place, the stage is now set for a potentially close poll battle.About the AuthorKaran ManralKaran Manral is a journalist at the Times of India. He covers politics, social issues, and international affairs, exploring stories that affect people’s everyday lives. 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Congress’ V Vaithilingam; CM N Rangasamy; TVK chief Vijay NEW DELHI: The upcoming Puducherry assembly elections have set the stage for a direct contest between the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) of All India NR Congress (AINRC)–BJP and the Congress–DMK’s Secular Progressive Alliance (SPA).The NDA, led by chief minister and AINRC founder-president N Rangasamy, is aiming for a second consecutive term. Meanwhile, the Congress and DMK finalised their seat-sharing at the last moment, and will fight to reclaim power in the Union territory. Puducherry assembly polls 2026Puducherry’s 33-member legislative assembly includes 30 elected seats, while three members are nominated by the Centre. Voting will be held on April 9, followed by counting on May 4, alongside counting in Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, all of which will also vote this month.A snapshot of past electionsPuducherry has not re-elected a government since the Congress in 2006. In February 2011, Rangasamy, a former Congress member, launched the AINRC, which came to power a few months later. The grand old party reclaimed power in 2016, before the AINRC–BJP combine won the assembly elections in 2021.In the previous polls, the AINRC and BJP—contesting together for only the second time and their first assembly election as allies—ousted the Congress. The alliance won 16 seats, exactly the majority needed to form the government. How parties fared in Puducherry assembly polls 2021Five years before that, the Congress had emerged victorious with 15 seats, while the DMK added two more to their joint tally. The AINRC, which had experienced rapid success soon after its formation, was voted out, securing just eight seats.Can AINRC reverse the trend?High-stake contestThe most high-profile contest of the election is set to unfold in Thattanchavady, featuring two candidates who were once in the same party and have both held the UT’s top executive post. On the final day of nominations, with the Congress and DMK yet to finalise a seat-sharing agreement, V Vaithilingam, Puducherry Congress president and former chief minister, filed his nomination from Thattanchavady, setting up a direct clash against Rangasamy, the outgoing CM. Thattanchavady constituencySince his second term as chief minister ended in 2011, Vaithilingam has represented the UT’s only Lok Sabha seat—also called Puducherry—which he won in both the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Meanwhile, Rangasamy has held the chief ministerial post four times, twice each with the Congress and later with the AINRC.Thattanchavady could, therefore, once again decide Puducherry’s next chief minister.Major poll battlesWhile the Rangasamy–Vaithilingam contest will be the most high-profile battle, several other constituencies are also set to witness intense fights. For the Raj Bhavan segment, the NDA has nominated VP Ramalingam, the Puducherry BJP chief. The SPA nominee is Vignesh Kannan, who recently joined the DMK and is the son of the late P Kannan, an ex-Puducherry minister and a former parliamentarian. Key battlesIn Lawspet, AINRC’s VP Sivakolundhu, who served as assembly speaker while in the Congress, faces a strong challenge from V Saminathan of actor-politician Vijay’s two-year-old Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). Saminathan, a former Puducherry BJP president, holds the distinction of being the longest-serving leader in that position, making this race a high-stakes contest.In Mahe and Yanam, which fall in Kerala and Andhra Pradesh respectively, the NDA candidates are A Dineshan (BJP) and Malladi Krishna Rao (AINRC). The SPA candidates are Ramesh Parambath (Congress) and GS Ashok (Congress). Puducherry dynasty candidatesOther major candidates include home minister and BJP leader A Namassivayam (Mannadipet), minority affairs minister and BJP leader A Johnkumar (Mudaliarpet), and AINRC’s Nedungadu nominee Chandira Priyanga, a former minister who resigned in October 2023 as the lone woman in the cabinet.From the Congress-DMK alliance, DMK’s R Siva, leader of the opposition in the outgoing assembly, will contest from Villianur. DMK leader and ex-minister AMH Nazeem will contest the Karaikal South seat.Key issues dominating the election campaignStatehood: Ahead of the electoral battle, the long-pending demand for statehood for Puducherry has emerged as the biggest issue and could play a decisive role in the outcome. As the ruling party and an ally of the BJP, which leads the Union government, the AINRC stands to lose the most if the opposition is able to bring this issue to the forefront effectively.Puducherry’s Union territory status means that most administrative matters are decided by the lieutenant governor—the UT’s constitutional head appointed by the President on the Centre’s recommendation—rather than the chief minister. For instance, the police department reports to the Union home ministry, unlike in a full-fledged state, where it functions under the elected political administration. Successive governments in the UT have cited this lack of full-fledged powers as a hindrance to effective governance.‘Excessive’ focus on Puducherry district: The district, which shares its name with the Union territory and is home to its capital city of the same name, also accounts for a lion’s share of the assembly seats. Out of the 30 assembly constituencies, 23 are located here, giving it an overwhelming influence in determining the outcome of the elections. This concentration of seats means that political campaigns, party strategies, and voter attention are heavily focused on the Puducherry district, often overshadowing Karaikal, Mahe, and Yanam. Additionally, Mahe and Yanam are surrounded by two different states (Kerala and Andhra Pradesh, respectively), which shape their political and administrative dynamics differently. Candidates with criminal casesWater contamination: In September 2025, the Puducherry city faced a public health concern due to contaminated drinking water in some areas, with many residents reportedly falling ill with symptoms like diarrhoea and vomiting after consuming unsafe water. The contamination was believed to be caused by poor sanitation and possible mixing of sewage with the water supply. The incident led to protests and raised concerns about the need for better water quality management and improved public health measures.Unemployment: Despite its small size and relatively low population, the UT has recorded a high unemployment rate. In June 2021, just a month into the AINRC–BJP government’s first term, the unemployment rate stood at a national high of 47.1%, according to a Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) study, compared to a national average of 9.2%.This was significantly lower than the figures recorded in April 2020, when the unemployment rate had peaked at 75.8% against a national average of 23.5%, largely due to the lockdown imposed to curb the spread of Covid-19.SWOT analysisNDA: The alliance has retained its previous formula, under which AINRC will contest 16 seats and BJP 14. From its quota, the BJP has allocated two seats each to allies like the AIADMK and the newly formed Latchiya Jananayaga Katchi (LJK), led by businessman Jose Charles Martin, son of “lottery king” Santiago Martin.StrengthCM Rangasamy’s pro-people image The UT government’s popularity Rangasamy is implementing a slew of welfare measuresWeaknessBJP remains relatively weak in PuducherryAIADMK has struggled electorally, including losing all five seats it contested in 2021.Allegations including corruption, failure to maintain law and order, and “political blessings’ for a fake drug manufacturing racket busted last yearOpportunityGreater friction within the opposition coalition compared to the ruling one Better coordination with the Centre, as the BJP leads the central government and is part of the ruling coalition in PuducherryThreat Anti-incumbency, with no ruling party re-elected since 2006Strains within the NDA, including the Centre’s failure to deliver on the statehood promise and the BJP, including Jose Charles Martin in the alliance NDA SWOTCongress-DMK: The Congress–DMK alliance is the more traditional of the two major coalitions, having contested assembly elections here since 2006.Last time, the DMK won six constituencies compared to the Congress’ two, emerging as the second-largest party and holding the leader of the opposition post.The Congress will field 16 candidates, with the remaining seats allotted to the DMK. The MK Stalin-led party had initially announced one seat from its quota for the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK). However, the VCK chose to contest independently and field its own candidates in three constituencies.StrengthAs the two most successful parties, both – especially the Congress – continue to have a widespread organisational presenceWeaknessCongress’ inability to convert issues into votesCongress-DMK sea-sharing friction almost derailed the allianceOpportunityThe previous AINRC (2011–2016) and Congress (2016–2021) administrations both lost power after just one termThreatCongress’ broader national declineDespite potential anti-incumbency, AINRC-BJP combine appears better positioned to retain powerThe last-day seat-sharing announcement could lead to friendly contests Congress-DMK SWOTWildcard factorAs in neighbouring Tamil Nadu, the biggest wildcard factor in Puducherry is “Thalapathy” Vijay. His TVK initially announced candidates for all 30 constituencies before joining hands with independent legislator G Nehru’s newly formed Neyam Makkal Kazhagam (NMK).Under this arrangement, the TVK withdrew its nominees from the Orleanpet and Thattanchavady seats for the NMK. Nehru himself will contest from Orleanpet, while NMK general secretary E Vinayagam will stand from Thattanchavady.Like in Tamil Nadu, the TVK’s biggest strength is Vijay’s massive popularity; his Puducherry rally in December last year drew thousands. Yet, converting his fan base into votes will be the party’s biggest challenge. Additionally, as a newly formed party—it was launched in February 2024—the TVK lacks both a strong grassroots organisation and governance experience compared to more established parties.Yet, TVK could attract voters seeking alternatives beyond the two major alliances. This could end up benefiting one of the two while hurting the other, and at the same time help establish TVK as a rising political force.Unsurprisingly, Vijay was reportedly courted by the AIADMK, BJP, and Congress in Tamil Nadu, but he declined overtures from all three.StrengthBuilt-in fan base driven by Vijay’s strong popularityWeaknessPolitical debutant; therefore lacks political and policy experienceLack of a grassroots organisational networkNo prominent face beyond VijayOpportunityPositioning as a fresh alternative to the dominant coalitionsAttracting voters seeking changeThreatPotential difficulty in converting fan support into actual votesReputation impact following the Karur stampedePotential disruptions due to frequent travel to Delhi for CBI questioning TVK SWOTStage set for poll battleAs the elections approach, several political heavyweights—including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union home minister Amit Shah, and Congress MP and Lok Sabha leader of opposition Rahul Gandhi—are expected to visit Puducherry regularly to campaign for their respective parties..Still, attention is not on Puducherry as it is a Union territory and small in size. However, it has its own politics and stands out for its French colonial past and the fact that its four districts are spread across three different states, with two of the states—Tamil Nadu and Kerala —voting in the current round, giving the UT a unique political significance.With the key players and alliances in place, the stage is now set for a potentially close poll battle.About the AuthorKaran ManralKaran Manral is a journalist at the Times of India. He covers politics, social issues, and international affairs, exploring stories that affect people’s everyday lives. He also writes explainers to make these stories easier for readers to follow.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos’Where Was Your PM?’ Mallikarjun Kharge Attacks Modi Govt, Sparks War Of Words With Kiren RijijuMassive Opposition Protests Forces Modi Govt To Pause Foreign Contribution (FCRA) Bill In Lok SabhaRussian Envoy Rejects US Pressure On India Oil Trade, Backs Delhi’s Independent Foreign Policy StandDonald Trump Backs US-India Ties, Says Sergio Gor, But Hormuz Risk Puts India In Strategic DilemmaIran War Impact Hits India: Commercial LPG Prices Rise, Airfares Set To Surge As Fuel Costs DoubleIndia Conducts Ex Dweep Shakti, Tri-Service Drill To Boost Coastal And Island DefenceHow An Indian LPG Tanker Took An Unusual Route To Escape Strait Of HormuzTrump Ready To End Iran War Despite Hormuz Blockade?; Iran’s Oil Revenues Soar Thanks To Trump’s War’India’s Silence Helpful To US, Israel And Gulf States’: Former Deputy NSA Pankaj Saran On Iran WarBig April Financial Reset: New Rules For UPI, ATM, PAN, FASTag, Railway Booking To Impact Daily Life123PhotostoriesPink Full Moon: 7 signs the universe is preparing you for a major life shift6 delicious flatbreads to try instead of regular pizzaNarayan Murthy and Sudha Murty’s ₹50 crore Bengaluru home at UB City is all about simplicity and classFrom Rob Reiner to Heath Ledger: Hollywood actors who tragically lost their lives8 quick and easy Good Friday long weekend trips from MumbaiMumbai’s iconic dabbawalas suspend services for 6 days: 7 meals you can prepare at home without gas stove, induction, or microwaveIMD’s summer outlook: Heatwave likely in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana; Maharashtra spared extreme heat7 delicious snail dishes you need to try at least onceBaby names inspired by holy cities of IndiaYuvraj Singh’s mountain-view mansion in Chandigarh is a personalised dream home built on his cricket legacy and family values123Hot PicksIncome Tax Changes from April 1stPost office small savings schemesNASA Artemis IIAmazon treeIncome Tax CalculatorPublic holidays April 2026Bank Holidays AprilTop TrendingNeeraj ChopraSjoerd MarijneSam KonstasVaibhav SooryavanshiChennai Super KingsIPL 2026Adam ZampaLSG vs DC Match PreviewCooper ConnollyIPL Match Today

Vamsikrishna 0
AI-generated image Nearly 27 lakh workers are gearing up for a nationwide strike—triggered by a single move: the introduction of the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2025 in Parliament. These aren’t just any workers, but the people who keep the country’s power running—engineers, linemen, and staff across the electricity system. Centre is yet to table the Bill in the Parliament.A glimpse of this unrest was already visible earlier this month, when employees from several state electricity boards walked off the job in protest.Opposition isn’t limited to the workforce. Farmer unions have also raised concerns, signalling that resistance to the Bill cuts across sectors. The government, however, has framed the Draft Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2025 as a long-overdue reform—one that aims to make the power sector more competitive, efficient, and better equipped for future demand. At its core is a key shift: allowing multiple electricity distribution companies to operate in the same area, using shared infrastructure, while maintaining an obligation to supply power to all consumers.But it’s not quite as simple as one switch, one bulb, and a wave of happiness. For Kaveri Amma, electricity arrived like a quiet miracle—simple, shared, and powered by a single supplier who lit up the entire village.But if Kaveri Amma were around today, that simplicity wouldn’t hold. The power would still come at the flick of a switch—but behind it wouldn’t be just one Shah Rukh Khan-like figure running the show. It could be multiple companies, sharing the same wires, competing to supply electricity to the same home.That shift is at the heart of the Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2025. “Privatisation!”—that’s the word power sector employees, farmers, and trade unions have been rallying around as they push back against it. The Centre has been trying to rework the electricity law for over a decade, but each attempt has met resistance.The opposition isn’t just about the Bill, it’s also about how it’s being drafted. A working group set up by the power ministry in January 2026 to finalise the Bill has drawn criticism from the All India Power Engineers Federation, which has flagged the inclusion of the All India Discom Association, arguing it points to a tilt towards privatisation and sidelines worker concerns.But privatisation is not the only concern. The Bill could change something far more immediate—who supplies electricity to consumers, and how much they end up paying for it.Here’s the thing, India’s power sector is at an interesting crossroads. Electricity use is climbing steadily–more appliances, more electric vehicles, more data centres quietly running in the background. And the system, for now, is keeping up. In 2025, the country met a record peak demand of over 240 GW, with total installed capacity crossing 5 lakh MW. What’s more striking is the shift in the energy mix—over half of this capacity now comes from non-fossil sources. On paper, it looks like a sector that’s expanding, modernising, and even getting cleaner.But behind this growth story lies a more complicated reality. Getting electricity to your home still depends on a vast and expensive network—generation, transmission, and finally distribution. And it’s this last leg that continues to carry the most stress. State-run distribution companies, or discoms, have historically struggled with mounting losses. In fact, only recently, after years of red ink, did they collectively post a modest profit of about Rs 2,700 crore in 2024–25. To put that in perspective, the sector had reported losses of over Rs 25,000 crore just a year earlier, and nearly Rs 68,000 crore a decade ago. It’s a turnaround, but a fragile one, built on a system that still struggles with underpriced tariffs, delayed subsidies, and persistent inefficiencies.This gap—between a fast-growing power system and financially strained distributors—is what the government is trying to address through the Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2025. The idea itself isn’t new; versions of it have surfaced multiple times over the past few years. But the pitch remains the same: introduce competition, allow multiple companies to supply electricity in the same area, and, give consumers more choice while pushing the system to become more efficient, at least in theory.Why are farmers against it?A key focus of the proposed changes is tariff reform and efficiency. The government says the bill will move towards cost-reflective tariffs, while continuing targeted subsidies for vulnerable groups such as farmers and low-income households through state budgets. But farmer unions are not buying this. In India, several states provide free or subsidized electricity to farmers. Entry of private players will eventually make the state-run discoms inefficient, leaving farmers to pay to opt for private suppliers.Kisan Mazdoor Morcha’s rail roko protestCentre vs state questionAnother concern runs deeper—who gets to call the shots. Right now, electricity distribution largely sits with the states. Each has its own utility, and with it, a degree of control over tariffs and subsidies—often used as a policy lever, and sometimes as a political promise.The worry is that this balance could shift. If greater control moves toward central regulators or new private players entering the system, states may find themselves with less say over how electricity is priced and who gets subsidised power. And for many, that’s not just an administrative tweak—it’s a loss of a key tool they’ve long relied on.These anxieties aren’t limited to policy alone. They extend to jobs as well. With more private participation, there are concerns about outsourcing, restructuring of state-run utilities, and the possibility of job losses across the sector—especially for the very workforce now leading the protests.“Privatisation and open access will lead to large-scale job losses, contractualisation, and outsourcing. By allowing private licensees in defence zones, the Bill also jeopardises national security in the name of ‘ease of doing business’,” said Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) vice president Tapan Sen.What about consumers?Electricity is a politically sensitive subject in India. Elections are fought and won promising free or subsidised electricity in India. Hence, the commodification of the subject has sparked the welfare state debate.CITU said that “the Bill is part of a wider neoliberal strategy to hand over the entire electricity supply chain—from generation to distribution—to private monopolies.” “By promoting speculative power markets, the Bill converts electricity—a basic human necessity—into a tradable commodity. Such deregulation will lead to price volatility, unreliable supply, and the weakening of public control over energy security,” Sen said.The Bill seeks to make the power sector competitive. Competition offers choice to consumers, brings down prices and offers them best services. It clearly states “lack of competition in electricity supply, with consumers tied to a single discom, limiting service quality and innovation.”At least on paper, the promise is straightforward: more competition should mean more choice, better service, and lower prices. That’s the logic driving the Bill. If multiple companies can supply electricity in the same area, they’ll compete to keep consumers happy.But it doesn’t always play out that neatly. In some sectors, competition initially worked, like telecom. More players entered, prices dropped, and services improved. But over time, that same competition thinned out the field. What began as a crowded market eventually narrowed down to a handful of dominant players. Likewise, the effort to privatise Air India was initially welcomed but recent IndiGo crisis exposed perils of duopoly in the system.That possibility exists here too. Even if several electricity distributors enter the same area, the market may not stay crowded forever. It could settle around a few large companies. And when that happens, competition may still push for better service, but it doesn’t necessarily guarantee cheaper power.How successful have privatisation moves been?If the idea is to bring in private players to fix distribution, India has already tried that—just not at scale. Discoms sit at the very end of the electricity chain, responsible for delivering power to homes and collecting payments. They are, in effect, monopoly retailers in their areas. And yet, despite their central role, most state-run discoms have struggled for years with losses, inefficiencies, and mounting debt. Privatisation has often been pitched as a way out of this cycle.In practice, only a handful of states have gone down that route. Odisha was among the first to try in the late 1990s, but the initial attempt didn’t hold and had to be rolled back. Delhi’s experience, which followed in 2002, is often held up as the benchmark. After unbundling its electricity board and bringing in private operators, the results on the ground were visible—losses in the system dropped sharply. Aggregate Technical and Commercial (AT&C) losses, once as high as 45–60%, fell to under 6.5% over time. That’s a significant improvement, especially when the national average still hovers around 15%.But that’s only one part of the story. As research and analysis by the Centre for Social and Economic Progress points out, while efficiency improved and supply became more reliable, the financial picture remained complicated. Tariffs continued to be tightly regulated, and disagreements between the regulator and the discoms over cost approvals became routine. A large share of expenses claimed by discoms was not always allowed to be recovered through tariffs, leading to the buildup of “regulatory assets”—essentially costs deferred to the future. In Delhi’s case, these have piled up to tens of thousands of crores, with disputes dragging on across tribunals and courts for years.And that’s where the limits of privatisation start to show. Bringing in private operators may fix operational issues—like reducing theft or improving billing—but it doesn’t automatically resolve deeper structural problems. Questions around tariff-setting, cost recovery, and regulatory oversight don’t disappear. In fact, if anything, they become more contested. The result is a system where efficiency gains coexist with financial uncertainty—and where, eventually, the consumer may still have to bear the cost.That’s perhaps why most states haven’t rushed to follow Delhi’s path. Government-run discoms still dominate the landscape, and private participation remains limited. The broader lesson from the past two decades is fairly clear–privatisation can improve how electricity is delivered, but by itself, it doesn’t guarantee a financially stable system. That depends just as much on how the sector is regulated—and how those rules are enforced.About the AuthorAastha JhaAastha Jha is a writer at The Times of India, covering politics. She also writes on business, global affairs, social issues, with a focus on policy, governance and their impact on everyday lives. Her work brings together reportage and analysis, tracking developments in India and abroad while examining the broader social and economic currents shaping public discourse.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosMassive Opposition Protests Forces Modi Govt To Pause Foreign Contribution (FCRA) Bill In Lok SabhaRussian Envoy Rejects US Pressure On India Oil Trade, Backs Delhi’s Independent Foreign Policy StandDonald Trump Backs US-India Ties, Says Sergio Gor, But Hormuz Risk Puts India In Strategic DilemmaIran War Impact Hits India: Commercial LPG Prices Rise, Airfares Set To Surge As Fuel Costs DoubleIndia Conducts Ex Dweep Shakti, Tri-Service Drill To Boost Coastal And Island DefenceHow An Indian LPG Tanker Took An Unusual Route To Escape Strait Of HormuzTrump Ready To End Iran War Despite Hormuz Blockade?; Iran’s Oil Revenues Soar Thanks To Trump’s War’India’s Silence Helpful To US, Israel And Gulf States’: Former Deputy NSA Pankaj Saran On Iran WarBig April Financial Reset: New Rules For UPI, ATM, PAN, FASTag, Railway Booking To Impact Daily Life’Like Political Vultures’: PM Modi Slams Congress For ‘Spreading Fear’ Amid West Asia Crisis123PhotostoriesMumbai’s iconic dabbawalas suspend services for 6 days: 7 meals you can prepare at home without gas stove, induction, or microwaveThe type of man women never want to lose, according to a dating coachIMD’s summer outlook: Heatwave likely in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana; Maharashtra spared extreme heat7 delicious snail dishes you need to try at least onceBaby names inspired by holy cities of IndiaYuvraj Singh’s mountain-view mansion in Chandigarh is a personalised dream home built on his cricket legacy and family valuesYou won’t feel kidney stress until it’s serious: Early warning signs most people ignore and how to catch it in time5 Interesting Facts About Manali’s Hidimba TempleTV co-stars who fell in love on set: Dominic Fike and Hunter Schafer, Penn Badgley and Blake Lively and more8 reasons why Finland keeps ranking as the World’s Happiest Country123Hot PicksIncome Tax Changes from April 1stPost office small savings schemesNASA Artemis IIAmazon treeIncome Tax CalculatorPublic holidays April 2026Bank Holidays AprilTop TrendingNeeraj ChopraSjoerd MarijneSam KonstasVaibhav SooryavanshiChennai Super KingsIPL 2026Adam ZampaLSG vs DC Match PreviewCooper ConnollyIPL Match Today

AI-generated image Nearly 27 lakh workers are gearing up for a nationwide strike—triggered by a single move: the introduction of the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2025 in Parliament. These aren’t just any workers, but the people who keep the country’s power running—engineers, linemen, and staff across the electricity system. Centre is yet to table the Bill in the Parliament.A glimpse of this unrest was already visible earlier this month, when employees from several state electricity boards walked off the job in protest.Opposition isn’t limited to the workforce. Farmer unions have also raised concerns, signalling that resistance to the Bill cuts across sectors. The government, however, has framed the Draft Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2025 as a long-overdue reform—one that aims to make the power sector more competitive, efficient, and better equipped for future demand. At its core is a key shift: allowing multiple electricity distribution companies to operate in the same area, using shared infrastructure, while maintaining an obligation to supply power to all consumers.But it’s not quite as simple as one switch, one bulb, and a wave of happiness. For Kaveri Amma, electricity arrived like a quiet miracle—simple, shared, and powered by a single supplier who lit up the entire village.But if Kaveri Amma were around today, that simplicity wouldn’t hold. The power would still come at the flick of a switch—but behind it wouldn’t be just one Shah Rukh Khan-like figure running the show. It could be multiple companies, sharing the same wires, competing to supply electricity to the same home.That shift is at the heart of the Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2025. “Privatisation!”—that’s the word power sector employees, farmers, and trade unions have been rallying around as they push back against it. The Centre has been trying to rework the electricity law for over a decade, but each attempt has met resistance.The opposition isn’t just about the Bill, it’s also about how it’s being drafted. A working group set up by the power ministry in January 2026 to finalise the Bill has drawn criticism from the All India Power Engineers Federation, which has flagged the inclusion of the All India Discom Association, arguing it points to a tilt towards privatisation and sidelines worker concerns.But privatisation is not the only concern. The Bill could change something far more immediate—who supplies electricity to consumers, and how much they end up paying for it.Here’s the thing, India’s power sector is at an interesting crossroads. Electricity use is climbing steadily–more appliances, more electric vehicles, more data centres quietly running in the background. And the system, for now, is keeping up. In 2025, the country met a record peak demand of over 240 GW, with total installed capacity crossing 5 lakh MW. What’s more striking is the shift in the energy mix—over half of this capacity now comes from non-fossil sources. On paper, it looks like a sector that’s expanding, modernising, and even getting cleaner.But behind this growth story lies a more complicated reality. Getting electricity to your home still depends on a vast and expensive network—generation, transmission, and finally distribution. And it’s this last leg that continues to carry the most stress. State-run distribution companies, or discoms, have historically struggled with mounting losses. In fact, only recently, after years of red ink, did they collectively post a modest profit of about Rs 2,700 crore in 2024–25. To put that in perspective, the sector had reported losses of over Rs 25,000 crore just a year earlier, and nearly Rs 68,000 crore a decade ago. It’s a turnaround, but a fragile one, built on a system that still struggles with underpriced tariffs, delayed subsidies, and persistent inefficiencies.This gap—between a fast-growing power system and financially strained distributors—is what the government is trying to address through the Electricity (Amendment) Bill 2025. The idea itself isn’t new; versions of it have surfaced multiple times over the past few years. But the pitch remains the same: introduce competition, allow multiple companies to supply electricity in the same area, and, give consumers more choice while pushing the system to become more efficient, at least in theory.Why are farmers against it?A key focus of the proposed changes is tariff reform and efficiency. The government says the bill will move towards cost-reflective tariffs, while continuing targeted subsidies for vulnerable groups such as farmers and low-income households through state budgets. But farmer unions are not buying this. In India, several states provide free or subsidized electricity to farmers. Entry of private players will eventually make the state-run discoms inefficient, leaving farmers to pay to opt for private suppliers.Kisan Mazdoor Morcha’s rail roko protestCentre vs state questionAnother concern runs deeper—who gets to call the shots. Right now, electricity distribution largely sits with the states. Each has its own utility, and with it, a degree of control over tariffs and subsidies—often used as a policy lever, and sometimes as a political promise.The worry is that this balance could shift. If greater control moves toward central regulators or new private players entering the system, states may find themselves with less say over how electricity is priced and who gets subsidised power. And for many, that’s not just an administrative tweak—it’s a loss of a key tool they’ve long relied on.These anxieties aren’t limited to policy alone. They extend to jobs as well. With more private participation, there are concerns about outsourcing, restructuring of state-run utilities, and the possibility of job losses across the sector—especially for the very workforce now leading the protests.“Privatisation and open access will lead to large-scale job losses, contractualisation, and outsourcing. By allowing private licensees in defence zones, the Bill also jeopardises national security in the name of ‘ease of doing business’,” said Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) vice president Tapan Sen.What about consumers?Electricity is a politically sensitive subject in India. Elections are fought and won promising free or subsidised electricity in India. Hence, the commodification of the subject has sparked the welfare state debate.CITU said that “the Bill is part of a wider neoliberal strategy to hand over the entire electricity supply chain—from generation to distribution—to private monopolies.” “By promoting speculative power markets, the Bill converts electricity—a basic human necessity—into a tradable commodity. Such deregulation will lead to price volatility, unreliable supply, and the weakening of public control over energy security,” Sen said.The Bill seeks to make the power sector competitive. Competition offers choice to consumers, brings down prices and offers them best services. It clearly states “lack of competition in electricity supply, with consumers tied to a single discom, limiting service quality and innovation.”At least on paper, the promise is straightforward: more competition should mean more choice, better service, and lower prices. That’s the logic driving the Bill. If multiple companies can supply electricity in the same area, they’ll compete to keep consumers happy.But it doesn’t always play out that neatly. In some sectors, competition initially worked, like telecom. More players entered, prices dropped, and services improved. But over time, that same competition thinned out the field. What began as a crowded market eventually narrowed down to a handful of dominant players. Likewise, the effort to privatise Air India was initially welcomed but recent IndiGo crisis exposed perils of duopoly in the system.That possibility exists here too. Even if several electricity distributors enter the same area, the market may not stay crowded forever. It could settle around a few large companies. And when that happens, competition may still push for better service, but it doesn’t necessarily guarantee cheaper power.How successful have privatisation moves been?If the idea is to bring in private players to fix distribution, India has already tried that—just not at scale. Discoms sit at the very end of the electricity chain, responsible for delivering power to homes and collecting payments. They are, in effect, monopoly retailers in their areas. And yet, despite their central role, most state-run discoms have struggled for years with losses, inefficiencies, and mounting debt. Privatisation has often been pitched as a way out of this cycle.In practice, only a handful of states have gone down that route. Odisha was among the first to try in the late 1990s, but the initial attempt didn’t hold and had to be rolled back. Delhi’s experience, which followed in 2002, is often held up as the benchmark. After unbundling its electricity board and bringing in private operators, the results on the ground were visible—losses in the system dropped sharply. Aggregate Technical and Commercial (AT&C) losses, once as high as 45–60%, fell to under 6.5% over time. That’s a significant improvement, especially when the national average still hovers around 15%.But that’s only one part of the story. As research and analysis by the Centre for Social and Economic Progress points out, while efficiency improved and supply became more reliable, the financial picture remained complicated. Tariffs continued to be tightly regulated, and disagreements between the regulator and the discoms over cost approvals became routine. A large share of expenses claimed by discoms was not always allowed to be recovered through tariffs, leading to the buildup of “regulatory assets”—essentially costs deferred to the future. In Delhi’s case, these have piled up to tens of thousands of crores, with disputes dragging on across tribunals and courts for years.And that’s where the limits of privatisation start to show. Bringing in private operators may fix operational issues—like reducing theft or improving billing—but it doesn’t automatically resolve deeper structural problems. Questions around tariff-setting, cost recovery, and regulatory oversight don’t disappear. In fact, if anything, they become more contested. The result is a system where efficiency gains coexist with financial uncertainty—and where, eventually, the consumer may still have to bear the cost.That’s perhaps why most states haven’t rushed to follow Delhi’s path. Government-run discoms still dominate the landscape, and private participation remains limited. The broader lesson from the past two decades is fairly clear–privatisation can improve how electricity is delivered, but by itself, it doesn’t guarantee a financially stable system. That depends just as much on how the sector is regulated—and how those rules are enforced.About the AuthorAastha JhaAastha Jha is a writer at The Times of India, covering politics. She also writes on business, global affairs, social issues, with a focus on policy, governance and their impact on everyday lives. Her work brings together reportage and analysis, tracking developments in India and abroad while examining the broader social and economic currents shaping public discourse.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosMassive Opposition Protests Forces Modi Govt To Pause Foreign Contribution (FCRA) Bill In Lok SabhaRussian Envoy Rejects US Pressure On India Oil Trade, Backs Delhi’s Independent Foreign Policy StandDonald Trump Backs US-India Ties, Says Sergio Gor, But Hormuz Risk Puts India In Strategic DilemmaIran War Impact Hits India: Commercial LPG Prices Rise, Airfares Set To Surge As Fuel Costs DoubleIndia Conducts Ex Dweep Shakti, Tri-Service Drill To Boost Coastal And Island DefenceHow An Indian LPG Tanker Took An Unusual Route To Escape Strait Of HormuzTrump Ready To End Iran War Despite Hormuz Blockade?; Iran’s Oil Revenues Soar Thanks To Trump’s War’India’s Silence Helpful To US, Israel And Gulf States’: Former Deputy NSA Pankaj Saran On Iran WarBig April Financial Reset: New Rules For UPI, ATM, PAN, FASTag, Railway Booking To Impact Daily Life’Like Political Vultures’: PM Modi Slams Congress For ‘Spreading Fear’ Amid West Asia Crisis123PhotostoriesMumbai’s iconic dabbawalas suspend services for 6 days: 7 meals you can prepare at home without gas stove, induction, or microwaveThe type of man women never want to lose, according to a dating coachIMD’s summer outlook: Heatwave likely in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana; Maharashtra spared extreme heat7 delicious snail dishes you need to try at least onceBaby names inspired by holy cities of IndiaYuvraj Singh’s mountain-view mansion in Chandigarh is a personalised dream home built on his cricket legacy and family valuesYou won’t feel kidney stress until it’s serious: Early warning signs most people ignore and how to catch it in time5 Interesting Facts About Manali’s Hidimba TempleTV co-stars who fell in love on set: Dominic Fike and Hunter Schafer, Penn Badgley and Blake Lively and more8 reasons why Finland keeps ranking as the World’s Happiest Country123Hot PicksIncome Tax Changes from April 1stPost office small savings schemesNASA Artemis IIAmazon treeIncome Tax CalculatorPublic holidays April 2026Bank Holidays AprilTop TrendingNeeraj ChopraSjoerd MarijneSam KonstasVaibhav SooryavanshiChennai Super KingsIPL 2026Adam ZampaLSG vs DC Match PreviewCooper ConnollyIPL Match Today

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