VK News Today https://validator.w3.org/feed/docs/rss2.html Nasa’s Moon base: Too early to tell where India fits in Mississippi’s termite swarms are here, and a single treatment can cost up to $1,750 CJP claims that three sets of questions by DMK MP Matheswaran V.S. were disallowed in the LS under Rule 41(2) NEW DELHI: Cockroach Janta Party chief spokesperson, Saurav Das, has claimed that three sets of questions concerning the CJP-led youth protests were disallowed during the recently concluded Monsoon Session of Parliament.In a post on X, Das said Lok Sabha MP Matheswaran V.S. of the DMK had submitted three sets of questions to the Union home ministry and the Union education ministry. The questions were listed under notice reference numbers 101799 and 101801.According to Das, the questions sought answers on six issues:Refund of application fees for NEET-UG 2026Growing public distrust in the governmentDenial of drinking water and sanitation facilities to CJP protesters in DelhiThe government’s engagement with protesting students and youthStudent welfare, paper leaks and education reformsThe treatment of citizens exercising their fundamental right to peaceful protestDas said the questions were rejected under Rule 41(2) of the Lok Sabha Rules, with clauses (i), (iv), (v), (xviii) and (xxii) cited as the grounds for disallowance.He criticised the reasons given for rejecting the questions, calling them “very bizarre justifications for perfectly legitimate questions.”“If these questions cannot be asked in Parliament, where exactly is the Government supposed to be held accountable? Through protests?”Das also questioned why home minister Amit Shah had not appeared before Parliament during the protests to answer questions concerning police action against demonstrators.He argued that the ability of MPs to question the government was central to parliamentary democracy, saying “The right of an MP to question the Executive is not some procedural nuisance but is actually the heart of parliamentary democracy.”Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesDas said Question Hour exists to ensure that ministers exercising public power answer to elected representatives.“Otherwise of course people will be forced to come out on the roads,” he said.He concluded by accusing the government of trying to silence Parliament and ignoring young protesters:“You can’t gag the Parliament and make it a rubber-stamp for your half-baked policies. You cannot ignore the youth. This is not our idea of India!”What the rules sayUnder Rule 41(2), questions in the Lok Sabha have to satisfy various admissibility requirements. The clauses cited in this case cover, among other things, questions that are too general or cannot be answered specifically; questions containing arguments, inferences or imputations; questions seeking opinions or answers to hypothetical legal propositions; matters currently before courts; and matters under consideration by parliamentary committees.When contacted by news agency PTI, Matheswaran confirmed that the questions had been disallowed and said he received the information through the Lok Sabha members’ portal.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosAir India Express Passenger Booked After Pistol Goes Off At Varanasi Airport During Security Check‘Derogatory’: PM Modi’s ‘Dimaagi Naxals’ Remark Triggers Row; Congress, CJP, Left Parties Hit BackActivist Devendra Mahto Stopped From Tiranga March As Jharkhand Student Protest Escalates On I-Day‘Came From The Top’: Mahua Moitra Alleges Late-Night Pressure, Seeks Speaker Om Birla’s InterventionDid Congress Leaders Signal Stop? 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Jawaharlal Nehru University vice chancellor Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit has rejected allegations of irregularities in faculty recruitment and promotions, describing the accusations as “propaganda”.The response came after the JNU Students’ Union and JNU Teachers’ Association sought her removal and demanded an independent, time-bound inquiry into alleged violations in the university’s recruitment and promotion processes.”Despite the most transparent, record recruitments, especially of the SC/ST and the OBC in the university in the last four and a half years of my term as VC, I have been made the target of a vicious campaign by the JNUSU and JNUTA. No evidence, only fake propaganda,” Pandit said in a statement.JNU administration defends recruitment processThe university administration said more than 400 faculty interviews had been conducted and over 200 positions filled since February 2022. It claimed that nearly 70 per cent of those appointed belonged to reserved and marginalised categories.The administration also said it had received no complaints from candidates about the interview process.According to the university, selection committees include three domain experts, a nominee of the Visitor, the concerned dean and the vice chancellor. The Academic Council then approves the candidates selected by the committee.JNU said its Internal Quality Assurance Cell checks candidates’ qualifications and publication claims during the screening process, but does not take part in the final selection through interviews.The administration said publication verification can be particularly complicated in humanities and social sciences because of differences in databases and verification systems. It said this could explain cases where some candidates shortlisted by centres did not eventually reach the interview stage, while others who were initially not selected were later called for interviews.Students, teachers raise UGC concernsThe JNUSU has alleged that recent media reports raised questions over candidates being brought back into the selection process despite subject experts rejecting them for allegedly failing to meet mandatory University Grants Commission eligibility requirements.The JNUTA, in a separate charter of demands issued on Thursday, claimed that an investigation based on RTI replies, official records and dissent notes of the Executive Council had found that at least seven faculty members were appointed in violation of UGC norms.The university has rejected these allegations and maintained that the recruitment process followed established procedures.University rejects concerns over promotions and linksOn faculty promotions, JNU said nearly 250 applications under the Career Advancement Scheme had been processed since February 2022. This included applications that had remained pending since 2006, which the administration described as the highest number of CAS promotions since the university was established.The administration also dismissed concerns about familial or supervisory connections in appointments. It said having a marital or family relationship could not by itself be treated as either a qualification or disqualification for employment.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesSimilarly, the university said being a former student of a supervisor did not automatically amount to a violation of UGC requirements relating to publications.JNU maintained that its recruitment and promotion exercises had been carried out fairly and in accordance with the prescribed procedures.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.End of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosAir India Express Passenger Booked After Pistol Goes Off At Varanasi Airport During Security Check‘Derogatory’: PM Modi’s ‘Dimaagi Naxals’ Remark Triggers Row; Congress, CJP, Left Parties Hit BackActivist Devendra Mahto Stopped From Tiranga March As Jharkhand Student Protest Escalates On I-Day‘Came From The Top’: Mahua Moitra Alleges Late-Night Pressure, Seeks Speaker Om Birla’s InterventionDid Congress Leaders Signal Stop? 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I also wish to emphasise that the second assassination attempt raises serious questions about the manner in which the Punjab Government and the Punjab Police dealt with the first attack,” the letter reads.Harsimrat said the two incidents had “several disturbing parallels” and raised serious questions about whether they were connected. She also questioned the manner in which the Punjab government and Punjab Police dealt with the first attack, saying the second incident had brought the issue under renewed scrutiny.Badal attacked at gurdwara in NandedSukhbir Singh Badal was attacked at a gurdwara in Maharashtra’s Nanded on August 13. The assailant, identified as 62-year-old Jaspal Singh, had reportedly been working at the same gurdwara for around two years as a sevadar.The attack took place when Badal was visiting Mata Sahib Gurdwara in the Hazur Sahib area.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘Derogatory’: PM Modi’s ‘Dimaagi Naxals’ Remark Triggers Row; Congress, CJP, Left Parties Hit BackActivist Devendra Mahto Stopped From Tiranga March As Jharkhand Student Protest Escalates On I-Day‘Came From The Top’: Mahua Moitra Alleges Late-Night Pressure, Seeks Speaker Om Birla’s InterventionDid Congress Leaders Signal Stop? 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Fed minutes, Middle East in focus Rolex sues Canadian jewellery store Bijoux Medusa over customized watches, claims trademark infringement Yashwant Varma is likely to impeachment proceedings after a Parliamentary panel found all charges against him proved. NEW DELHI: It began with a fire.On the intervening night of March 14-15, 2025, firefighters responding to a blaze at the official residence of Delhi high court judge Yashwant Varma stumbled upon something far more consequential than the fire itself: a large quantity of burnt currency notes in a storeroom.What followed turned into an extraordinary judicial and political saga: an in-house inquiry, Varma’s transfer to the Allahabad high court, a Parliamentary removal motion, his decision to withdraw from the inquiry and, eventually, his resignation as a judge.Now, almost 18 months after that night, a Parliamentary inquiry committee has found the charges against Varma proved, paving the way for the Centre to pursue his impeachment even though he has already resigned.The case raises a question that goes beyond what happened in that storeroom: Why is Parliament still pursuing the removal of a judge who is no longer in office, and what would his impeachment mean for the judiciary?To understand that, it is worth going back to the night when the fire brought the cash to light.The night the cash was foundA fire was reported at Justice Varma’s residence in the early hours of March 15, 2025. Firefighters were called to douse the blaze.After the fire was brought under control, first responders found a large quantity of cash inside a storeroom. The discovery led to official entries documenting the recovery of what appeared to be unaccounted money.The news of the incident quickly reached then Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna. He called an immediate meeting of the collegium, which unanimously decided to transfer Varma to his parent high court, the Allahabad high court.In-house probeKhanna also constituted a three-member in-house committee to examine the allegations.It comprised Punjab and Haryana high court Chief Justice Sheel Nagu, Himachal Pradesh high court Chief Justice G S Sandhawalia and Karnataka high court Justice Anu Sivaraman.The committee’s voluminous report concluded that the storeroom was under the control of Varma and his family and recommended steps for his removal.Varma denied the allegations and maintained that he had been framed.“I state unequivocally that no cash was ever placed in that storeroom either by me or any of my family members and strongly denounce the suggestion that the alleged cash belonged to us. The very idea or suggestion that this cash was kept or stored by us is totally preposterous,” he said in his response.How did Parliament get involved?The matter did not end with the in-house inquiry.After the in-house committee recommended Varma’s removal, Parliament stepped in.Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla received a motion signed by 146 members of the Lower House from both the governing and opposition parties seeking Varma’s removal.Acting on the notice, Birla constituted a three-member committee to inquire into the “grounds for request for removal” under the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968.Supreme Court judge Justice Aravind Kumar chaired the committee. Its original members were Madras high court Chief Justice Manindra Mohan Shrivastava and senior advocate BV Acharya.Shrivastava was later replaced by Bombay high court Chief Justice Shree Chandrashekhar ahead of his retirement.The inquiry then became a full-fledged legal battle.Varma fights the inquiryVarma did not simply accept the proceedings.Through a team of senior lawyers, he filed 11 interim applications, examined the records and cross-examined witnesses produced before the committee.The presenting side concluded its evidence on March 17. The committee then asked Varma to furnish a list of his defence witnesses and their affidavits.He sought additional time and was granted an extension. But the deadline passed without him submitting either the list or the affidavits.On April 9, Varma informed the committee that he would no longer participate in the proceedings.In his communication, he questioned the fairness of the inquiry on several grounds. He objected to the use of material from the earlier in-house inquiry, argued that the burden of proof had effectively been shifted onto him and alleged that crucial witnesses had not been examined.He also raised the issue of missing CCTV footage, arguing that it could have helped settle key questions surrounding the case.A day later, on April 10, Varma resigned as a judge of the Allahabad high court.In his resignation letter to the President, he did not spell out the reasons for his decision, saying he did not wish to burden the “august office” with them.“It is with deep anguish that I tender my resignation as Judge of Allahabad HC with immediate effect,” Varma wrote.But his resignation did not necessarily bring the matter to an end.What did the Parliamentary inquiry find?Almost 18 months after the cash was discovered, a Parliamentary inquiry committee tabled its report in the House on August 12 and found all charges against Varma proved.The committee found that Varma possessed a substantial quantity of currency notes in the storeroom of his official residence at 30, Tughlaq Crescent. It accepted videos showing charred notes as well as the testimonies of several Delhi Fire Services and police officials.The panel also found Varma guilty of tampering with the scene of the incident. According to the report, the storeroom was cleaned by his household staff, after which the notes were no longer available.It further described Varma’s explanation for the discovery of the unaccounted cash as “evasive” and “unsatisfactory”, rejecting his claim that the currency notes had been planted.The findings have now brought the case to another crucial stage: the impeachment process.Why does Parliament still want to pursue impeachment?This is where the Varma case becomes constitutionally unusual.The Centre is likely to initiate the impeachment process in the Winter Session of Parliament, even though Varma has already resigned.According to a PTI report citing sources, his resignation does not affect the proceedings because it was submitted only after the removal process had begun in Parliament.The government’s reported reasoning goes beyond Varma himself. It wants to establish a precedent and send a message that a judge cannot avoid a removal process by resigning after serious irregularities have already been alleged and proceedings have begun.Constitutional lawyer advocate Ajinkya Udane said the case could become significant for future situations involving judges who resign while facing removal proceedings.“The matter may also become significant for future cases involving judges who resign while facing removal proceedings. A clear determination could help establish how similar situations should be dealt with and whether resignation can prevent an already initiated parliamentary process from reaching its conclusion,” Udane told The Times of India.“Resignation and removal through impeachment are legally different situations and may have different consequences for pension and other post-service benefits,” he added.A CBI inquiry has also been discussed as a possible course of action.What does the Constitution say?The removal of a judge is deliberately made difficult by the Constitution.Article 124(4) says a Supreme Court judge can be removed only by an order of the President following an address by each House of Parliament. Such an address must be supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of at least two-thirds of members present and voting, in the same session, on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity.Article 218 extends the same removal procedure to high court judges.That high threshold explains why impeachment proceedings against judges are rare and why the Varma case could become an important test of how the process works when a judge resigns midway.Has any judge ever been impeached?No judge of a superior court in India has ever been successfully removed through impeachment.There have been several attempts, but each ended before a judge was formally removed, either because the judge resigned or because the motion failed to secure the required majority.The first major case was that of Justice V Ramaswami in 1993. As Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana high court, he faced allegations of extravagant spending on his official residence.A Speaker-appointed inquiry committee found him guilty on 11 of 14 charges. But when the impeachment motion came up for a vote in the Lok Sabha, Congress MPs abstained. The motion consequently failed to secure the required majority.Justice Soumitra Sen came closer in 2011.A Calcutta high court judge, Sen faced allegations of misappropriating funds he had handled years earlier as a court-appointed receiver. The Rajya Sabha became the first House of Parliament to pass an impeachment motion against a judge when it approved the motion against Sen.But Sen resigned before the Lok Sabha could take up the motion, preventing him from becoming the first judge to be formally removed from office.Justice P D Dinakaran, then Chief Justice of the Sikkim high court, faced corruption allegations in 2011 that surfaced while he was being considered for elevation to the Supreme Court.The then Rajya Sabha chairman constituted a three-member inquiry committee, but Dinakaran resigned before the process could be completed, citing a lack of confidence in the committee’s impartiality.Other attempts did not progress as far.In 2015, motions were moved against Justice J B Pardiwala of the Gujarat high court over his remarks on reservation and against Justice S K Gangele of the Madhya Pradesh high court over sexual harassment allegations. Neither case resulted in a functioning inquiry committee or a vote on the floor of Parliament.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesA test of more than just one judgeThe Varma case, therefore, is not simply about the allegations surrounding a storeroom at a Delhi residence.It has now become a test of how India’s judicial accountability mechanism works when allegations of serious misconduct are made against a judge, and what happens when that judge resigns after Parliament has already begun the process of examining his removal.For Varma, the Parliamentary committee’s findings represent the latest and potentially most consequential chapter in a saga he has consistently denied.For Parliament and the judiciary, the case could leave behind a question that extends well beyond the individual judge: Can resignation bring an end to accountability proceedings against a judge, or can an impeachment process continue once it has already begun?The answer could shape how similar cases are handled in the future.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorRohitashwa RanjanRohitashwa Ranjan is a digital journalist with The Times of India, where he decodes Indian politics as a carefully staged production with scripts, subtext and everything behind. His stories track elections, party dynamics and the things that often are buried beneath the headlines. When not parsing vote shares or alliances, he is usually reading between the lines, where the real story tends to reside.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘Derogatory’: PM Modi’s ‘Dimaagi Naxals’ Remark Triggers Row; Congress, CJP, Left Parties Hit BackActivist Devendra Mahto Stopped From Tiranga March As Jharkhand Student Protest Escalates On I-Day‘Came From The Top’: Mahua Moitra Alleges Late-Night Pressure, Seeks Speaker Om Birla’s InterventionDid Congress Leaders Signal Stop? 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Here’s what to know about the balcony hack UP officers invoke Bhagat Singh, Buddha to explain duty, justice and use of force China launches 24th batch of low-orbit internet satellites from Hainan site Aug 16, 2026, 16:37 IST Yash on wife Radhika Pandit’s reaction to his bold scenes in ‘Toxic’, feels every partner will be uncomfortable: ‘She trusts me’ Emraan Hashmi and Disha Patani starrer is set to cross a massive Rs 70 crore on its first Sunday Bangladesh PM’s proposed India visit conditional on Hasina extradition, officials say Kerala CM VD Satheesan at Independence Day ceremony NEW DELHI: The BJP has sharply criticised the Kerala government after national song Vande Mataram was not sung at its official Independence Day function, accusing the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) administration of “succumbing to pressure from extremist organisations.”Kerala BJP leader Shone George accused chief minister VD Satheesan of “surrendering to the dictate of Jamaat-e-Islami”, alleging that the chief minister had maintained an “illicit relationship” with the organisation and “anti-India forces” for the past year.”We were convinced of this. Because this is not new—for the past one year, the CM has had an illicit relationship with Jamaat-e-Islami and anti-India forces, both openly and covertly in Kerala,” he told reporters.Referring to the Kerala General Education Department’s guidelines, he claimed officials had indicated that singing the national song was not mandatory.“If an official has issued such an order, make no mistake, that official will face consequences,” George warned.George also accused the state government of attempting to “communalise” the song and discouraging its singing in schools, claiming this would “inject poison into young children’s minds”. He claimed that Congress ally Indian Union Muslim League is “controlling” the General Education Department and “influencing” the government’s position.Senior BJP leader PK Krishnadas separately accused the UDF government of having “completely disrupted” this year’s Independence Day celebrations and alleged that it had imposed a “complete ban” on Vande Mataram.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesHe also questioned whether the directive had come from “the hubs of Jamaat-e-Islami, Social Democratic Party of India, or Popular Front of India”.Krishnadas alleged that the state government had “effectively challenged” Parliament and the Constitution by “restricting” the national song. “Therefore, this is not just anti-national, but also unconstitutional and illegal,” he claimed.He reiterated that the BJP would pursue both legal and political action against what he described as the UDF government’s “anti-national, unconstitutional stance.”(With PTI inputs)Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘Derogatory’: PM Modi’s ‘Dimaagi Naxals’ Remark Triggers Row; Congress, CJP, Left Parties Hit BackActivist Devendra Mahto Stopped From Tiranga March As Jharkhand Student Protest Escalates On I-Day‘Came From The Top’: Mahua Moitra Alleges Late-Night Pressure, Seeks Speaker Om Birla’s InterventionDid Congress Leaders Signal Stop? 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NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court is set to hear on Monday the Tamil Nadu government’s plea seeking directions to Karnataka to release its due share of Cauvery water immediately.The case is listed before a bench of Justices Vikram Nath and Sandeep Mehta, according to the court’s cause list for August 17.The matter was scheduled for hearing after the Supreme Court said on August 12 that petitions filed by Tamil Nadu and others, including the DMK, would be taken up on August 17.Tamil Nadu approached the top court on August 3, arguing that it was not receiving its allocated share of Cauvery water despite the state facing a rain-deficient year.The state government has alleged that both the quantity recommended for release by the Cauvery Water Regulation Committee and the actual water supplied by Karnataka were far below its requirement.ALSO READ | Mekedatu project long-term solution to Cauvery water dispute: MinisterTamil Nadu flags shortfall in water releaseAt a meeting on July 28, the Cauvery Water Regulation Committee directed Karnataka to release 3,500 cusecs of water to Tamil Nadu for 15 days from July 29.Tamil Nadu, however, said the actual flow recorded at Biligundlu on the Karnataka-Tamil Nadu border was only between 158 and 550 cusecs from July 29 to August 2.The state government also pointed to water storage levels in Karnataka’s four reservoirs. As of August 3, the combined storage in the Krishna Raja Sagara, Kabini, Harangi and Hemavathy reservoirs was 77.537 TMC, according to a Tamil Nadu government statement.Tamil Nadu argued that Karnataka would be able to release its due share without facing difficulty.State claims 26.954 TMC is dueTamil Nadu said recent rainfall in the catchment areas of the KRS and Kabini reservoirs had increased the amount of water that should flow to the state.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesAccording to the state government, the proportionate quantity due at Biligundlu should be 26.954 TMC.”Accordingly, the Cauvery Water Management Authority order allocating 4.536 TMC is very less,” the release added.Tamil Nadu has alleged that Karnataka has “failed” to release its due share and maintained that the state should receive 26.954 TMC.The Supreme Court will now hear the Tamil Nadu government’s plea seeking immediate directions to Karnataka over the release of the Cauvery water.ALSO READ | Water released from KRS? BJP claim puts Karnataka govt on spotGet the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘Derogatory’: PM Modi’s ‘Dimaagi Naxals’ Remark Triggers Row; Congress, CJP, Left Parties Hit BackActivist Devendra Mahto Stopped From Tiranga March As Jharkhand Student Protest Escalates On I-Day‘Came From The Top’: Mahua Moitra Alleges Late-Night Pressure, Seeks Speaker Om Birla’s InterventionDid Congress Leaders Signal Stop? 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What a shuffle, sway or slower step could be telling you123Hot PicksMartin Luther King JrRajasthan UCCDelhi trafficJharkhand protestEast Coast Railway GDCE recruitmentMP Class 10, 12 timetableIran warKarnataka bandhUP NEET UG counsellingTop TrendingPM ModiCM VijayBengaluru Namma MetroAsish BanerjeeManan KumarVirender Singh BasoyaJP NaddaWeather TomorrowBengaluru RapidoAbhijeet Dipke Updated: Aug 16, 2026, 16:00 IST The PhD thesis Albert Einstein said had ‘lifted a corner of the great veil’ Yash REACTS to Allu Aravind’s ‘Who was Yash before ‘KGF’?’ comment: ‘Cinema doesn’t just belong to a producer’ Weekly Wealth Horoscope Predictions, August 16 to August 22, 2026: Your money luck for the week How 3 members of England’s 1939 Chess Olympiad team became wartime codebreakers during WWII In 1905, a 13-year-old crawled through a tiny Tennessee cave passage and found a hidden underground lake 19% in Lok Sabha, 39% in Rajya Sabha: How Monsoon Session unfolded beyond the Parliament NEW DELHI: For 25 days, Parliament’s Monsoon Session played out on two different stages.Inside the Houses, proceedings were repeatedly disrupted, adjournments were frequent and Question Hour had barely any time remaining. Outside, political activity rarely stopped. Students marched, opposition leaders protested, ministers traded charges, and the Parliament complex itself became a stage for demonstrations and symbolic political performances.Held from July 20 to August 13, the session produced an unusual contrast: legislation moved forward, but much of the political confrontation surrounding it played out beyond the floor of the two Houses.Parliament sees low productivityThe numbers underline that contrast. Lok Sabha functioned for approximately 19% of its scheduled time, while Rajya Sabha functioned for around 39%. Question Hour was particularly badly hit, with less than 1% of its scheduled time utilised. The session had 19 sittings spread over 25 days.Parliamentary affairs minister Kiren Rijiju acknowledged the distinction between legislative output and debate.“It was a good session…we have passed 13 bills; but it was not a good session in terms of discussion,” he said, while accusing the opposition of avoiding debate despite the government’s willingness to discuss issues.’Not a good session in terms of discussion’Yet government business did move, much of it through voice votes amid opposition sloganeering.Bills passed in ParliamentEleven Bills were introduced in Lok Sabha and two in Rajya Sabha. Twelve Bills were passed by Lok Sabha and 12 by Rajya Sabha, with 12 Bills cleared by both Houses during the session.Two Bills replacing and incorporating the provisions of ordinances issued before the session, the Supreme Court (Number of Judges) Amendment Ordinance, 2026 and the Income-Tax (Amendment) Ordinance, 2026, were also passed by both Houses.The Demands for Excess Grants for 2022-23 were taken up, with the related Appropriation Bill passed by Lok Sabha on August 4 and returned by Rajya Sabha on August 6. The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026 was referred to a Joint Committee for examination.Among the more politically significant measures was the Public Examinations (Prevention of Unfair Means) Amendment Bill, 2026, introduced amid concerns over public examinations and paper leaks.Bills passed by both the HousesThe Bill came after Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced stringent measures to prevent such incidents in the future, including multiple selfie videos directly addressing students.It provides for speedy investigations and time-bound trials, with investigations to be completed within two months and trials within three months. It also provides for Special Fast Track Courts and Special Public Prosecutors, allows the Centre to constitute Special Task Forces where necessary, enhances penalties and creates a time-bound appellate mechanism before a Division Bench of the High Court.The Bill was passed by both Houses and received presidential assent.Its debate also offered a glimpse of how political parties were trying to speak directly to younger voters. BJP’s younger leaders took the lead in explaining the legislation and the Centre’s position, while the opposition made its own pitch. Both sides adopted Gen Z vocabulary, trading barbs with phrases such as “clock it”, “FOMO” and “delulu”.Other major Bills passed during the session included the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill, which seeks to bring Vande Mataram within the ambit of the 1971 Act; the Registration of Births and Deaths (Amendment) Bill, which proposes stricter procedures for delayed registration; and the MSME Development (Amendment) Bill, which provides for a national digital platform for voluntary registration and seeks to improve access to finance and resolve delayed-payment disputes faster.The Bankers’ Books Evidence Bill expands the definition of bankers’ books to cover physical, electronic, digital, virtual and cloud-based records. The Kerala (Alteration of Name) Bill proposes changing the state’s name from Kerala to Keralam. Other legislation dealt with cooperative development, tribunals and the mining sector.But these measures were not what defined the political atmosphere of the session. That distinction belonged to the protests outside.The session began with a protestThe Monsoon Session opened against the backdrop of a large student mobilisation at Jantar Mantar over NEET examination irregularities.The protest had been building for weeks. Scientist and activist Sonam Wangchuk had been on a hunger strike for more than 20 days when the Centre intervened and removed him from the protest site.His removal intensified the agitation, with students going ahead with their scheduled “Sansad gherao”. Security personnel, including the Rapid Action Force and Delhi Police, were deployed as the protesters marched towards Parliament.The distance was less than 1.5 km, but the march quickly turned into a major confrontation.Pellet guns, lathi-charge and tear gas were used, with more than 60 people injured and admitted to nearby Lady Hardinge Medical College and Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital.The police action immediately became a political issue, with opposition leaders turning their focus towards Union home minister Amit Shah because the security forces involved came under the home ministry’s jurisdiction.The student protests subsequently spread beyond Delhi. The pressure group Cockroach Janta Party’s delegation met PM Modi-led cabinet ministers Jagat Prakash Nadda and Jitendra Singh, after which the situation moved towards normalcy.One of the protesters’ major demands was the removal of Dharmendra Pradhan as education minister.On July 25, Pradhan resigned from the post, making his departure one of the defining political developments of the session.From Pradhan to ShahPradhan’s resignation did not end the political confrontation.Lok Sabha leader of opposition Rahul Gandhi had not joined the initial Jantar Mantar protest but emerged as a prominent voice in the political battle that followed. His focus shifted from Pradhan to Shah, whom he repeatedly attacked over the police crackdown on students on July 20.“As home minister, did you approve the use of lethal force including pellet guns against students? If not, who did? Are the people in plainclothes seen beating students with lathis police personnel or volunteers? Youth and students, future of our country, are demanding answers and accountability,” Rahul said.Rahul Gandhi trains guns at Amit ShahHe argued that Shah either directly ordered the use of pellet guns, shock batons, lathicharge and tear gas, making him “culpable” for the treatment of the protesters, or did not know what the police were doing, making him “incompetent”.“In either case, he has to go,” Rahul said, calling on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to sack the home minister.Rahul also alleged that students were facing threats, including through face recognition and Bajrang Dal. “These are our children and the govt has no business threatening them or beating them. They have not committed any crime. They should not be punished,” he said.He later made the demand for Shah’s removal explicit, saying: “Shah is responsible and we are not going to let him get away with it.”At the AICC headquarters, with Shah’s photograph displayed on a large screen, Rahul accused the home minister of being responsible for the treatment of students and criticised his absence from Lok Sabha, saying it showed that he was “guilty”.Inside Parliament, opposition leaders across parties continued to seek answers from Shah and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The issue contributed to repeated disruptions.The government, meanwhile, maintained that Shah was ready to discuss the student protests.The debate that moved between the House and outsideIn the final week of the session, Shah offered to address the opposition’s concerns directly.He offered to sit in Parliament from “3pm till 3pm the next day” to hear the opposition and respond to its points. Rahul rejected the offer, saying they “seek answers, not lectures”.Shah’s offer came amid demands that he make a statement in Parliament on the police action during the July 20 march over the NEET paper leak.He later wrote to Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla seeking time for a discussion on the student protest and NEET paper leak.“As you are aware, Hon’ble parliamentary affairs minister Shri Kiren Rijiju has agreed, on behalf of the government, to a discussion in Parliament on the student movement concerning the NEET examination, during the meeting of the Business Advisory Committee,” Shah said.He also pointed out that the Lok Sabha had already discussed the Public Examinations (Prevention of Unfair Means) Amendment Bill during the session, but opposition MPs had not raised the NEET examination issue during that debate.The exchange captured the central political tension of the session.The government pointed to its legislative response and willingness to debate. The opposition demanded direct answers over the handling of the protests and accountability for the police action.The argument was therefore no longer simply about an examination paper leak. It had become a contest over responsibility, policing and ministerial accountability, much of it fought outside the chamber.Jharkhand adds another layerExamination irregularities also became a political issue in Jharkhand, where the Centre’s political opponents were in power.Students in the state protested over alleged irregularities in competitive examinations, including JPSC and JSSC, under the Hemant Soren government.In Ranchi, protesters marched towards the state assembly in an “assembly gherao”. The Soren government said it was open to talks and held rounds of discussions with student delegations.For the BJP at the Centre, the Jharkhand protests provided an opportunity to counter Rahul Gandhi’s attacks over the student movement in Delhi.Pradhan, days after resigning as education minister, turned his fire on Rahul.“The leader of opposition, who habitually lies, neither wants to come to Parliament nor listen to answers. They just want to spread their lies and shed crocodile tears,” Pradhan said.Pradhan calls Rahul Gandhi a ‘habitual liar’He also accused Rahul of making “baseless, factless false accusations” against Shah.The political irony was clear: the examination issue that had put the Union government under pressure in Delhi was now being used by the BJP to target the Congress, which is part of the ruling alliance with the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha government led by Hemant Soren.Then came the Ram Mandir protestThe student protests showed how street mobilisation could shape parliamentary politics. Another demonstration showed how the Parliament complex itself could become a stage for political messaging.The alleged theft of donations at the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya became another opposition issue during the session.On Friday, Independent MP Pappu Yadav, along with other opposition MPs, staged a symbolic protest at Makar Dwar over the alleged embezzlement of Ram Temple donations. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, Samajwadi Party MPs Awadhesh Prasad and Dharmendra Yadav, and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha MP Mahua Maji participated.The MPs held placards and a large banner reading “Amit Shah Sadan Se Gayab Kyun?” They also raised slogans demanding Shah’s resignation and his presence in the House.Pappu Yadav, whose real name is Rajesh Ranjan, dressed as a temple priest carrying a photograph of Lord Ram and sat beside donation boxes. Opposition MPs acted as devotees and placed money in the box. Yadav then symbolically slipped the money into his pocket, representing the opposition’s allegation of theft.Videos circulating online also showed Rahul Gandhi putting money into the donation box. Another MP, playing a devotee, confronted the “priest” over the alleged act.The priest denied wrongdoing before theatrically leaving the scene. The INDIA bloc said the demonstration was intended to highlight the alleged embezzlement of Ram Temple donations and demand accountability from the Centre.It was a symbolic protest, but it reflected the broader character of the session: political messaging increasingly spilled into the physical spaces around Parliament.A Parliament that worked, but talked lessThe Monsoon Session cannot simply be described as one in which Parliament failed to function. Bills were introduced and passed, financial business was completed, ordinances were replaced and the Public Examinations (Prevention of Unfair Means) Amendment Bill became law.But the productivity figures tell another story. Lok Sabha functioned for approximately 19% of its scheduled time, while Rajya Sabha functioned for around 39%.Inside the Houses, protests and sloganeering repeatedly led to adjournments. Key government Bills were passed, often through voice votes. Outside, meanwhile, Parliament’s premises became venues for demonstrations and political performances.That contrast defined the session.The Jantar Mantar protest became a parliamentary issue. The police action turned into a political battle over Amit Shah. Pradhan’s resignation followed sustained pressure over the examination controversy. The same issue travelled to Jharkhand, where it became another weapon in the Centre’s political contest with the opposition. The Ram Mandir controversy then produced a symbolic demonstration inside the Parliament complex.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesIn each case, the politics extended beyond the floor of the House.The Monsoon Session thus offered an unusual picture of parliamentary politics: legislation continued inside, while confrontation, mobilisation and political messaging increasingly took place outside. The Houses passed 12 Bills, but some of the session’s most visible battles were fought through protests, slogans, press statements, letters and demonstrations.Parliament was still working. But it was talking less, while the political argument increasingly moved beyond its walls.On August 13, both Houses adjourned sine die and will meet again in the Winter Session.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorAbhishek MishraAbhishek Mishra is a Digital Content Producer at The Times of India, working with the news desk. He writes with a keen eye on foreign policy, defence developments, and the shifting currents of geopolitics-and yes, Indian politics always finds a way onto his radar too.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos‘Derogatory’: PM Modi’s ‘Dimaagi Naxals’ Remark Triggers Row; Congress, CJP, Left Parties Hit BackActivist Devendra Mahto Stopped From Tiranga March As Jharkhand Student Protest Escalates On I-Day‘Came From The Top’: Mahua Moitra Alleges Late-Night Pressure, Seeks Speaker Om Birla’s InterventionDid Congress Leaders Signal Stop? 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