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		<title>VK News Today</title>
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			<guid><![CDATA[https://vknewstoday.in/stock-market-today-march-28-2026-which-are-the-top-gainers-and-losers-in-nifty50-and-bse-sensex-today-check-list/]]></guid>
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			<title>Stock market today (March 28, 2026): Which are the top gainers and losers in Nifty50 and BSE Sensex today? Check list</title>
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			<guid><![CDATA[https://vknewstoday.in/congress-leader-shashi-tharoor-new-delhi-congress-mp-shashi-tharoor-on-tuesday-pushed-back-against-union-minister-kiren-rijiju-over-remarks-suggesting-that-he-had-agreed-the-congress-could-be-seen-a/]]></guid>
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			<title>Congress leader Shashi Tharoor  NEW DELHI: Congress MP Shashi Tharoor on Tuesday pushed back against Union minister Kiren Rijiju over remarks suggesting that he had agreed the Congress could be seen as “anti-women”.The controversy stems from a conversation Rijiju referred to in an interview, where he claimed Tharoor had, in some sense, accepted the characterisation of his party during a discussion on the Women’s Reservation Bill.Tharoor, however, rejected that claim outright and said his words had been misinterpreted. “I am sorry, but with the greatest respect for Kiren Rijiju, at no point did I say or imply any such thing &#8211; and I have seven witnesses in the photograph who can confirm that,” he said.He further dismissed Rijiju’s version of events, adding, “ &#8216;That was what he meant&#8217;, our minister says. No, sir, that is NOT what I meant. &#8216;That Congress can be anti-women&#8230; he agreed in a way,&#8217; he added. I am sorry but I did NOT agree in any way.”Reiterating the Congress party’s position, Tharoor pointed to its past record on women’s representation and said the party has consistently backed reservation for women. “@INCIndia has stood for women&#8217;s rights and women&#8217;s reservation under a strong woman President in Sonia Gandhi, initiated the Women&#8217;s Reservation Bill, passed it in the Rajya Sabha during our tenure and supported it in the Lok Sabha when it was brought by GoI in 2023,” he said.He added that the party remains committed to implementing reservation without tying it to delimitation. “We are totally in favour of women&#8217;s reservation and are prepared to have it implemented right now &#8212; without linking it to delimitation.”Rijiju had earlier said that while Tharoor himself could not be described as anti-women, the Congress could be viewed that way in the context of the debate. He claimed that during their exchange, both sides had broadly acknowledged each other’s points.In a post on X, Rijiju wrote, “Dr ShashiTharoor and I had agreed on one point. He is definitely not anti-women. May be because&#8230; he is highly popular amongst women, or Vice Versa !!”He also said in his interview that Tharoor had not objected to his assessment of the Congress. According to Rijiju, the two had reached a mutual understanding during the interaction.Tharoor, in his own account of the exchange, said the discussion took place after a parliamentary sitting, where it was acknowledged that he personally could not be labelled anti-women, a point he said Rijiju accepted.Sharing his broader view, Tharoor wrote, “A little post-adjournment gathering of Opposition MPs in the Lok Sabha with our charming parliamentary affairs minister. When Kiren Rijiju explained why he &#038; his party were calling the Opposition &#8220;mahila virodhi&#8221;, it was pointed out to him that no one could ever call me anti-women! He conceded the point. Let&#8217;s face it, women are by far the better half of the species. They&#8217;re the improved models: Humans 2.0. They deserve representation in Parliament and in every institution. Just don&#8217;t link their advancement to a mischievous and potentially dangerous Delimitation that could devastate our democracy,”The exchange comes against the backdrop of a recent parliamentary debate on women’s reservation. During a special session held from April 16 to 18, a constitutional amendment aimed at reserving seats for women in Parliament and state assemblies failed to pass in the Lok Sabha after falling short of the required two-thirds majority.Opposition parties had objected to linking the proposal to delimitation and the expansion of parliamentary seats, arguing that such conditions could delay or dilute its implementation.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. 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			<title>NEW DELHI: At a time when centralised leadership and national narratives play a dominant role in politics, Mamata Banerjee has stood tall as one of the strongest regional satraps resisting the national trend. She has ruled West Bengal for last 15 years outmanoeuvring her rivals again and again. But the big question is: will the Trinamool chief manage to do that one more time? The BJP, her principal challenger in West Bengal, has gone all out this time to dethrone her &#8211; putting brand &#8216;Mamata&#8217; to perhaps one of the toughest political tests.Little wonder, West Bengal assembly elections 2026 has literally become a referendum on brand ;Didi&#8217; — a carefully constructed public identity of the TMC supremo, who has blended grassroots populism, Bengali sub-nationalism and an expansive welfare state anchored in direct benefit transfers.The question now is whether this brand, once seen as electorally teflon, can still withstand accumulated voter fatigue, corruption charges and a far more entrenched opposition like the Bharatiya Janata Party BJP this time.A brand of her ownThe brand &#8216;Didi&#8217; that Mamata Banerjee built was never merely about governance; it was about she collapsed the distance between state power and the individual citizen, turning policy into personal outreach.From the anti-Left insurgent who rode to power in 2011 to the welfare architect of the past decade, Banerjee&#8217;s politics has evolved, but its core has remained intact: direct emotional and material connection with the voter. By 2021, this model had reached its peak. Despite a high-decibel campaign by the BJP, the TMC secured 215 seats with a 48.5% vote share. However, the BJP did manage to secure a large chunk of 77 seats with 38.4% vote share.Five years later, this election will once again test if the brand endures.The maternalist state: Welfare as political glueAt the heart of the brand &#8216;Didi&#8217; lies what can best be described as a maternalist welfare state, a governance model that prioritises household liquidity over macro-economic signals. Instead of promising long-term infrastructure gains, it delivers immediate, tangible benefits that matter to voters in their daily lives.Schemes like &#8216;Lakshmir Bhandar&#8217; have become the cornerstone of this model. With approximately 2.21 crore women enrolled, and monthly stipends raised to Rs 1,500 for general categories and Rs 1,700 for SC/ST beneficiaries, the scheme has effectively created a vast, cross-cutting support base among women voters that transcends caste and religious divisions. The scale of the state&#8217;s food security network reinforces this bond. Under &#8216;Khadya Sathi&#8217; and &#8216;Duare Ration&#8217;, nearly 9 crore people receive subsidised foodgrains, with 7.5 crore beneficiaries accessing doorstep delivery. In large parts of rural Bengal, these schemes make the Mamata government a strong monthly presence in several households.It is similar to what J Jayalalithaa did in Tamil Nadu with her &#8216;Amma&#8217; initiatives, which provided affordable, nutritious food to low-income groups. The flagship program, Amma canteen, had revolutionised food security, selling idlis for Rs 1, sambar rice for Rs 5, and curd rice for Rs 3.Street fighter 2.0Days before election dates were announced, Mamata Banerjee executed a sharp tactical to rebrand her street fighter image. Confronted with anti-incumbency and mounting institutional pressure, she shifted the arena of confrontation — from street protests to the courtroom. On February 4, she became the rare sitting CM to personally address the Supreme Court, turning a legal hearing into a political moment. At the centre of this move was the SIR of electoral rolls, which saw over 90 lakh names deleted. While the BJP framed it as a clean-up exercise, Banerjee recast it as a question of disenfranchisement. By appearing in person, dressed in her trademark cotton saree and slippers, she reinforced her image as a grassroots leader taking on powerful institutions that had helped her in earlier days of politics.The move also marked a subtle reinvention. From being cast as a combative street politician, she repositioned herself as a &#8220;constitutional fighter&#8221;, arguing that defending voters’ rights required confronting the system from within. The stress factors: Corruption and credibilityYet, this time in over a decade, the brand is visibly under pressure. The 2026 election cycle has exposed fault lines that go beyond routine anti-incumbency.The most damaging challenge has been what can be described as the morality crisis. Incidents like the RG Kar Medical College tragedy and allegations emerging from Sandeshkhali have struck at the emotional core of Banerjee&#8217;s political identity — &#8216;Maa, Mati, Manush&#8217;. The &#8216;Maa&#8217; component, which positioned her as a protective figure, especially concerning women&#8217;s safety, has come under scrutiny. During the second phase of the election campaign in Bengal, Prime Minister Narendra Modi used this to tear into her party, saying: &#8220;15 years ago, the TMC came to power by talking about &#8216;Maa, Mati, Manush&#8217;. Now they can&#8217;t even utter those words. I&#8217;ll tell you the reason behind this. If these people utter those words, their sins will be exposed. The cruelty of TMC made &#8216;maa&#8217; cry, handed over &#8216;maati&#8217; to syndicates and infiltrators, and forced the &#8216;manush&#8217; of Bengal to flee.&#8221;The BJP, in fact, has also given an election ticket to the mother of the RG Kar case victim, for whom PM Modi held a campaign in Dum Dum on Saturday. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP had also given a ticket to Rekha Patra, one of the Sandeshkhali victims, from Basirhat in West Bengal. Patra, however, lost the polls.The narrative of corruption, amplified by investigations involving central agencies like the Enforcement Directorate and the CBI, compounds the women&#8217;s safety issue. Although the TMC has questioned these probes and Mamata herself has openly fought the institution, they could contribute to a broader credibility challenge.Identity politicsThe 2026 election has also been shaped by the contentious Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, which reportedly saw the deletion of nearly 91 lakh names. The first phase recorded a striking 92.59% voter turnout, the highest since independence.Mamata Banerjee made sure to make this EC exercise a political issue — one of identity and disenfranchisement. By portraying it as an attempt to exclude vulnerable populations (read Muslims), she has mobilised her base around a defensive narrative: not just voting for a party, but protecting one’s political existence.On phase 1 turnout, TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh said the surge in polling percentage has &#8220;decisively gone in favour of the ruling party&#8221; and signals a clear rejection of the BJP.Echoing the same sentiment, TMC minister Bratya Basu said, &#8220;In Bihar, we saw a similar pattern where turnout increased significantly, but the government remained unchanged. Bengal is reflecting the same trend.&#8221;The BJP, in contrast, has framed the SIR exercise as a corrective measure targeting illegal migration. The result is a sharply polarised discourse, where the electoral contest doubles as a battle over belonging.In such a scenario, the &#8216;brand Didi&#8217; may gain renewed relevance in some pockets of the voters — not as a vehicle of aspiration, but as a shield against perceived exclusion.The enduring edgeDespite the headwinds, Mamata Banerjee retains three critical advantages that may work in electoral favour for the TMC again this time.The first is the absence of a credible local counterface. The BJP’s campaign, while organisationally robust, still leans heavily on national leadership and its promise of &#8216;double-engine&#8217; governance. This allows the TMC to frame the election as a contest between &#8216;Bengal’s daughter&#8217; and external forces, reinforcing regional identity.TMC has raised the slogan of &#8220;Bangla nijer meyekei chay&#8221; (Bengal wants its own daughter) this election season, while terming the BJP as an outsider that wants to end the Bangla culture.The second is the depth of grassroots networks. Through self-help groups like Anandadhara, which encompass over 12 lakh groups and more than 1 crore women, the TMC has built a decentralised mobilisation structure.The third is Banerjee’s adaptive populism. Faced with crises, she has consistently recalibrated — introducing schemes like Shramashree and expanding social security nets to recover lost ground. The Shramashree scheme supports returning Bengali-speaking migrant workers who faced harassment or hardship in other states. It provides a one-time Rs 5,000 travel grant, up to Rs 5,000 monthly financial aid for one year and rehabilitation support, benefiting registered workers.This ability to respond quickly has prevented discontent from crystallising into a unified anti-incumbent wave.The evolution of the brandPerhaps the most significant transformation is conceptual. The brand &#8216;Didi&#8217; of 2026 is no longer the aspirational force of 2011, when it promised &#8216;Poriborton&#8217; (change), nor the defiant force of 2021, captured in the slogan &#8216;Khela Hobe&#8217;.It has now rebranded itself according to the utility with welfare schemes. This time, it&#8217;s also a fighter against the BJP, which is currently the dominant national party.Banerjee has already asserted that she will turn her focus to Delhi after winning the assembly polls.&#8221;Remember this, you cannot defeat us. We fight against injustice; we fight for our rights. I was born in Bengal, and I shall breathe my last in this very Bengal. I will take over Delhi once I have secured victory in Bengal. I will do so by rallying all the political parties together. I won&#8217;t want the seat (of power); I want the complete dismantling of the BJP in Delhi. While their destruction in Bengal is inevitable, the BJP must be ousted from Delhi as well,&#8221; she said at a rally in Kolkata.So, will the brand &#8216;Didi&#8217; work this time?The state has already voted in the first phase on April 23 for 152 constituencies and will vote on Wednesday for the second phase.Whether she will regain power for the fourth time or not, we will know when the results are announced on May 4. But for now, the last woman remains still standing.About the AuthorPallaviNews desk journalist, digital, at The Times of India, with a focus on Indian politics. Over a decade of chasing stories, taming headlines and arguing with commas like they&#8217;re part of the opposition. Tracks elections, policy pivots, party drama and the fine print of power, where every word can tilt the narrative. Believes good journalism is clarity under pressure, ideally filed before the next breaking alert crashes in. Powered by deadlines, context, sharp edits and a steady supply of strong tea.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos&#8221;Online Radicalisation Led To&#8230;&#8221; Maharashtra CM On ISIS-Inspired AttackIndia’s Defence Spending Hits $92 Bn, Becomes World’s 5th Largest Amid Global Military SurgeIs Rafale deal with France stuck? 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			<title>TMc protests against &#8216;Singham&#8217; cop NEW DELHI: A political row erupted in West Bengal’s South 24 Parganas on Tuesday as Trinamool Congress (TMC) supporters staged protests, accusing Election Commission-appointed police observer Ajay Pal Sharma of “intimidating” party workers ahead of the second phase of polling.Protests broke out in Falta, where supporters raised slogans outside the residence and election office of TMC candidate Jahangir Khan against the cop. Senior party leaders and state ministers alleged that the Uttar Pradesh-cadre IPS officer was overstepping his role.Also read: Who is Ajay Pal Sharma? UP IPS officer with 500+ encounters who went viral after Bengal poll warning videoThe flare-up follows Sharma’s visit to the area after the Election Commission received complaints that Khan’s associates were allegedly collecting voter identity cards and threatening electors. During the visit, Sharma, who earned the title in Uttar Pradesh as “Singham” for his tough policing style, warned that strict action would be taken if any attempt was made to influence voters.In a video going viral, Ajay Pal Sharma was seen warning Jehangir Khan&#8217;s family: &#8220;Tell him, we’ll deal properly with him if his men continue to threaten&#8230;don’t cry or regret it then.&#8221;Read more: UP IPS officer Ajay Pal Sharma’s video goes viral after raid linked to TMC candidate Jahangir KhanResponding sharply, Khan invoked popular film characters to counter the officer’s image. “This is Bengal; if he is ‘Singham’, I am ‘Pushpa’. No amount of threat or coercion by BJP-appointed police officials will be allowed here,” he said, alleging that the officer and accompanying forces had tried to pressure him and his supporters.Also speaking to IANS, the candidate from Falta constituency said, &#8220;Around 3 PM. yesterday, he came and tried to threaten my security staff at this party office. Then he went and tried to threaten my family. Is this the duty of a police observer?&#8221;&#8221;If he has to say something he has to tell the SP or IC. There is no rule of the ECI that says that a police observer can go and threaten people and candidates at their home. To aid the BJP these people are doing illegal things. They are trying to threatened TMC workers and leaders because they know that they won&#8217;t win, but we are not afraid,&#8221; he alleged further.TMC leaders objected to the officer’s conduct. State minister Chandrima Bhattacharya questioned whether an observer was authorised to carry out late-night visits and issue warnings without evidence. Another minister, Aroop Biswas, said observers were expected to remain neutral and any attempt to act beyond constitutional limits would be challenged legally.Sharma is among the 95 observers deployed by the Election Commission to ensure free and fair polling in the second phase. Falta falls under the Diamond Harbour Lok Sabha constituency represented by TMC MP Abhishek Banerjee.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.&#8221;Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos&#8221;Online Radicalisation Led To&#8230;&#8221; Maharashtra CM On ISIS-Inspired AttackIndia’s Defence Spending Hits $92 Bn, Becomes World’s 5th Largest Amid Global Military SurgeIs Rafale deal with France stuck? 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