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			<title>One vote, two Tirupatturs: DMK flags postal ballot mix-up after HC order (Image credit: ANI) NEW DELHI: The DMK on Tuesday said due to the possible mix-up of postal votes between Tiruppattur in Sivaganga district and Tiruppattur district near Vellore, the Madras High Court has restrained a TVK MLA from voting in the assembly floor test.While TVK&#8217;s Seenivasa Sethupathi secured 83,375 votes in the election, DMK&#8217;s K R Periyakaruppan got 83,374 votes. Sethupathi was declared elected by a margin of just one vote.&#8221;If the single disputed vote is counted in the DMK&#8217;s favour, the tally would become equal, requiring a toss of a coin to decide the election,&#8221; DMK spokesperson Saravanan Annadurai told PTI.The court has directed the MLA to refrain from voting until the writ petition reaches a conclusion.The fight between DMK and TVK dragged on till 1:30 am on counting day. Periyakaruppan led till round 16, but from round 17 onwards, Sethupathy gained a lead. He led with 819 votes when counting of EVMs ended, securing 83,010 votes against Periyakaruppan&#8217;s 82,191 votes.With the addition of postal ballots — 1,183 for Periyakaruppan and 365 for Sethupathy — the final count stood at 83,374 for Periyakaruppan and 83,375 for Sethupathy.District election officer K Porkodi told TOI that mock polls for two EVMs were not cleared while the control unit of one EVM was not properly functioning. Hence, votes had to be counted from VVPAT.&#8221;When the margin is one vote, as per ECI guidelines, we were made to re-verify the 306 rejected postal ballots,&#8221; the collector said. After re-verification, no valid votes were found to change the margin.The returning officer decided not to order a recount, providing a written explanation for the decision.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.&#8221;Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosUdhayanidhi Stalin’s Fresh ‘Eradicate Sanatan Dharma’ Remark Triggers Massive BJP Backlash In TNNTA Scraps NEET UG 2026 Over ‘Guess Paper’ Leak, Re-Exam Dates To Be Announced | WatchFIR Filed Against SP MP Ajendra Singh Lodhi Over Alleged Remarks Against PM ModiCBI Takes Over Probe Into Murder Of Suvendu Adhikari’s Aide Chandranath Rath, Forms 7-Member SITAIADMK Faces Biggest Split Since Jayalalithaa Era As Rebel Faction Extends Support To Vijay’s TVKTamil Nadu CM Vijay Orders Shutdown Of 717 TASMAC Shops Near Temples, Schools And Bus StandsCongress Expands Kerala CM Consultations As Satheesan-Venugopal Battle IntensifiesTarn Taran BJP Office Attacked: Youths Vandalise Premises, Fire Shots In Air; Probe OnRahul Gandhi Targets Centre Over NEET Leak Allegations As Rajasthan SOG Expands ProbeFormer TMC Minister Sujit Bose Arrested By ED In Municipality Recruitment ‘Scam’123PhotostoriesMissed Mother’s Day? 10 thoughtful ways to make your mother feel special this week5 &#8216;dirtiest&#8217; spots in your kitchen you’re probably forgetting to clean, NYC doc revealsWooden vs Marble Chakla Belan: Which one is better and tips to improve their shelf lifeWhy humans once ate dirt and some still do todayHair oil or hair conditioner: Which is better to stop hair fall in summersCricketer Nitish Kumar Reddy’s ₹3 crore Visakhapatnam home is a perfect picture of success, family bond and coastal calmSuccess quote of the day by Confucius: &#8220;Success depends upon&#8230;&#8221;Your expensive skincare may not work until you fix your gut: Doctors explain the surprising skin-digestion connection5 simple remedies to keep silverfish away and protect your favourite books and clothes before it&#8217;s too late!Personality test: Pick a tree and see what it reveals about what makes you feel safe, happy, and calm123Hot PicksCBSE class 12 resultRaj SinghBandi Sanjay KumarPune child rape-murder caseLPG stockNEET exam cancelledModi on Gold and WFHTop TrendingTamil Nadu CMBhagwant Mann CousinIPL Points TableFifa World Cup 2026 ScheduleVijay AstrologerHimanta Biswa SarmaIPL Orange Cap 2026AIADMK splitHighway Toll DuesBhuvneshwar Kumar</title>
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			<title>AI-generated image (For representative purposes only) What kind of politics makes people die for their leaders?In Tamil Nadu, that is not rhetorical.It has happened repeatedly — in moments of grief, in moments of defeat, and, as seen last week during Vijay&#8217;s frantic government-formation talks, even in anticipation of power.But this is not a new story. Tamil Nadu has seen this before.It is December 1987, and Tamil Nadu is collapsing into grief.The streets are flooded with mourners. Men cry openly outside party offices. Some supporters drink poison. Others set themselves on fire. Across the state, sorrow turns fatal as news spreads that MG Ramachandran is dead.He was the founder of All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), a Tamil cinema legend and the state&#8217;s first actor-chief minister. But to millions, he was something far larger than any office he held. He was &#8216;Puratchi Thalaivar&#8217;, the revolutionary leader, the man who had stepped off the silver screen and into their lives as protector, provider and hero. MGR at a public rally in Tamil NaduFor more than a decade, MGR had ruled Tamil Nadu, winning three consecutive terms before dying while still in office. His death did not just mark the end of a chief minister. For many, it felt like the loss of someone far more intimate — a guardian, almost family.It would not be the last time Tamil Nadu witnessed grief spill into tragedy.The pattern returned, again and again, each time reminding the state that its politics was never merely electoral.In 2001, when J Jayalalithaa was forced to step down after a corruption conviction, her supporters took their own lives. In 2014, when she was jailed once more, the state saw another wave of mourning — suicides, self-immolations and heart attacks attributed to shock.After her death in 2016, AIADMK claimed that at least 470 supporters had died grieving the loss of the woman they fondly called &#8216;Amma&#8217;.Then came Vijay.In September 2025, lakhs converged on Karur to catch a glimpse of Tamil cinema’s reigning superstar as he edged closer to political power. People stood for hours under a punishing sun, waiting for the man many already saw as their next saviour. By the time the gathering ended, 41 people were dead.For a state that has long blurred the line between screen idol and political messiah, Vijay&#8217;s rise was not an exception. It was the latest chapter in a familiar script. Karur stampede aftermath (Credit: PTI)Voting for the underdog?Tamil Nadu’s voting behaviour often reflects a distinctive political logic where identity is acknowledged but not always politically foregrounded. While the state has deep social stratification, with Scheduled Castes making up around 20% of the population and broader SC/ST/OBC groups forming over 75%, electoral appeal frequently shifts away from narrow caste or religious consolidation toward figures who project a more universalised identity of suffering and uplift. Religious demographics further underline this complexity, with Hindus forming 87.58%, Muslims 5.86%, and Christians 6.12%, yet electoral mobilisation rarely maps neatly onto these categories. Instead, political legitimacy is often constructed through narratives of deprivation, struggle, and moral protection, allowing leaders to transcend identity boundaries without fully abandoning them. This is where the &#8216;underdog&#8217; or &#8216;saviour-from-within&#8217; template becomes politically powerful. Leaders such as MG Ramachandran and Karunanidhi exemplified this shift. Their political identity was built less on elite authority and more on autobiographical suffering, poverty, hunger, and lived hardship, which they explicitly translated into policy imagination. In fact, MGR’s first question to his cabinet about “who had experienced childhood poverty” was not merely symbolic, it reinforced a governing ethic rooted in empathy-as-experience. Welfare schemes for schoolchildren and marginalised communities further institutionalised this ethos, while his delegation of administrative control to trusted officials allowed emotional leadership to coexist with technocratic governance. In this framework, figures like Vijay, from socially identified but politically transcendent backgrounds such as the Velalar Christian community, can be read as inheritors of a longer pattern where leaders do not reject identity, but strategically dilute it into a broader language of shared deprivation and moral universality. How cinema became political training in Tamil NaduIn Tamil Nadu, the transition from cinema to politics is not an exception to the system; it is integral to how the system itself evolved. The foundation was laid when CN Annadurai and M Karunanidhi turned theatre and screenwriting into political tools. Karunanidhi’s long career, from scriptwriter to five-time chief minister, established a precedent that narrative skill could translate into political authority. But MG Ramachandran transformed that relationship into a mass political structure. Already a dominant film star, MGR carried his on-screen persona of the benevolent protector directly into electoral politics, founding the AIADMK and becoming chief minister in 1977. His image as the “man of the masses” made the boundary between character and leader increasingly irrelevant for large sections of voters.That model was consolidated and intensified by J Jayalalithaa. After a successful film career, she entered politics under MGR’s mentorship and later built her own political identity as “Amma”, anchoring authority in personal symbolism and welfare distribution. Together, MGR and Jayalalithaa turned actor-led leadership into a durable governing structure rather than a temporary political experiment.Fan clubs become organisedOver time, this pattern stopped being about isolated figures and became a repeatable political template. Tamil Nadu politics began to treat cinematic visibility as a form of pre-political legitimacy. The actor was not just a candidate, he or she was already a public figure with emotional access to large audiences.This was reinforced by the Dravidian political tradition itself, which had long used cinema as a communication medium. As academic studies of Tamil cinema note, the boundary between cinema and politics in the state became structurally blurred, with film functioning as a carrier of ideological messaging as much as entertainment.Within this ecosystem, fan cultures played a critical role. Fan clubs for stars like MGR and later Rajinikanth functioned as organised social networks, often involved in welfare activities and local mobilisation. These structures later became informal political infrastructure, capable of being activated during elections.The durability of this model is visible in how consistently it reappears across generations. After MGR and Jayalalithaa, later figures attempted to replicate the pathway with varying success, including Vijayakanth and, more recently, the anticipation around Rajinikanth, whose political entry was widely expected but ultimately did not materialise.Yet the underlying structure remained intact: Tamil Nadu continues to produce political environments where cinematic identity is treated as a form of credibility, and where mass recognition often precedes organisational politics. Vijay&#8217;s pre-poll rally‘Amma, Thalapathy’: When leaders get titles from fansIn Tamil Nadu politics, leaders are rarely treated as distant office-holders. They are folded into the vocabulary of family itself. Titles like &#8216;Thalaivar&#8217; and &#8216;Amma&#8217; are not stylistic choices — they are political signals that replace institutional distance with emotional proximity. Once that shift happens, the relationship between leader and follower stops being transactional and becomes personal.This form of attachment predates social media and survives it. Long before digital fandoms, Tamil cinema had already built a system of parasocial bonding where audiences formed one-sided emotional relationships with stars who appeared repeatedly as protectors, providers and moral anchors on screen. In a state where cinema is deeply embedded in everyday life — from street posters to festival soundtracks — these screen identities easily spill into political perception.The Dravidian political tradition amplified this structure. Welfare politics reinforced the idea that the leader is not just a decision-maker but a direct source of material dignity. For large sections of voters, access to rice, subsidies, housing or public services became symbolically linked to the leader’s personal commitment. Over time, political support became tied not only to ideology, but to the feeling of being seen and provided for. Jayalalithaa&#8217;s funeral procession (Credit: ANI)It is within this framework that figures like MG Ramachandran and J Jayalalithaa were transformed into emotional institutions. MGR’s on-screen image as a benevolent saviour and Jayalalithaa’s carefully constructed persona as “Amma” turned political loyalty into something closer to familial dependence than civic choice.The same emotional architecture is visible in the rise of Vijay. Known to his fan base as “Thalapathy”, Vijay enters politics with an already established emotional economy built over decades of cinema. His films repeatedly position him as protector, mediator and moral force — roles that do not end at the theatre exit in a context where screen identities are continuously circulated in public life.What this produces is not simply popularity, but an emotional contract. Supporters do not merely evaluate performance or policy; they invest identity, dignity and aspiration into a figure who symbolically carries their social presence. In such a system, political allegiance is less about persuasion in the conventional sense and more about belonging — to a leader who is experienced not as a representative, but as an extension of the self.Why Vijay’s victory was not a surprise but a continuation of this cultureTVK chief Vijay won 110 seats and became the single largest party in Tamil Nadu elections. However, no exit polls had predicted this level of sweep. But it was inevitable.Within this historical context, the emergence of Vijay and his party TVK fits into a long-established pattern rather than breaking it. His transition reflects the same structural conditions that shaped earlier actor-politicians: a pre-existing fan base, emotional identification with screen roles, and a political culture that already recognises cinematic popularity as legitimacy.What has changed is scale and immediacy. By the time Vijay formally entered politics in the mid-2020s, Tamil Nadu already had half a century of precedent in converting cinematic stardom into electoral mobilisation. His entry signals not the invention of a new model, but the continuation of an old one, adapted to a newer media environment and a larger, more organised fan ecosystem.About the AuthorAastha JhaAastha Jha is a writer at The Times of India, covering politics. She also writes on business, global affairs, social issues, with a focus on policy, governance and their impact on everyday lives. Her work brings together reportage and analysis, tracking developments in India and abroad while examining the broader social and economic currents shaping public discourse.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosUdhayanidhi Stalin’s Fresh ‘Eradicate Sanatan Dharma’ Remark Triggers Massive BJP Backlash In TNNTA Scraps NEET UG 2026 Over ‘Guess Paper’ Leak, Re-Exam Dates To Be Announced | WatchFIR Filed Against SP MP Ajendra Singh Lodhi Over Alleged Remarks Against PM ModiCBI Takes Over Probe Into Murder Of Suvendu Adhikari’s Aide Chandranath Rath, Forms 7-Member SITAIADMK Faces Biggest Split Since Jayalalithaa Era As Rebel Faction Extends Support To Vijay’s TVKTamil Nadu CM Vijay Orders Shutdown Of 717 TASMAC Shops Near Temples, Schools And Bus StandsCongress Expands Kerala CM Consultations As Satheesan-Venugopal Battle IntensifiesTarn Taran BJP Office Attacked: Youths Vandalise Premises, Fire Shots In Air; Probe OnRahul Gandhi Targets Centre Over NEET Leak Allegations As Rajasthan SOG Expands ProbeFormer TMC Minister Sujit Bose Arrested By ED In Municipality Recruitment ‘Scam’123PhotostoriesHair oil or hair conditioner: Which is better to stop hair fall in summersCricketer Nitish Kumar Reddy’s ₹3 crore Visakhapatnam home is a perfect picture of success, family bond and coastal calmSuccess quote of the day by Confucius: &#8220;Success depends upon&#8230;&#8221;Your expensive skincare may not work until you fix your gut: Doctors explain the surprising skin-digestion connection5 simple remedies to keep silverfish away and protect your favourite books and clothes before it&#8217;s too late!Personality test: Pick a tree and see what it reveals about what makes you feel safe, happy, and calmFrom snake fruit to jabuticaba; 10 unique fruit trees around the world and where travellers can find them10 countries with the most mosquitoes, does India figure in the list?How Vijay Thalapathy, Rajinikanth, Kamal Haasan looked DECADES ago; Superstars&#8217; then and now picturesBMI vs Belly Fat: Which is a better predictor of heart attack risk (and why)123Hot PicksCBSE class 12 resultModi on buying goldOil prices todayPune child rape-murder casePerambur election resultIndia-New Zealand FTASugarcane price hikeTop TrendingTamil Nadu CMBhagwant Mann CousinIPL Points TableFifa World Cup 2026 ScheduleVijay AstrologerHimanta Biswa SarmaIPL Orange Cap 2026AIADMK splitHighway Toll DuesBhuvneshwar Kumar</title>
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			<title>NEW DELHI: Tamil Nadu is witnessing another AIADMK vs AIADMK showdown as Vijay prepares for a floor test days after being sworn in as chief minister.Hours after a faction led by CV Shanmugam announced its decision to support TVK, AIADMK leader Agri SS Krishnamurthy warned rebel MLAs, stating that action would be taken against those acting against the party directive.“AIADMK has directed all its MLAs to vote against TVK in the Tamil Nadu assembly floor test tomorrow. Action will be taken against those MLAs who act against the party’s directive,” Krishnamurthy said.Former minister and Edappadi K Palaniswami associate OS Manian also weighed in, saying all 47 AIADMK MLAs had extended support to EPS as legislature party leader.“All 47 AIADMK MLAs have extended support to Edappadi K Palaniswami as legislature party leader. The letter of support from these MLAs has been submitted to Speaker JC D Prabhakar,” he said.Earlier in the day, a faction of the AIADMK, led by MLAs SP Velumani and Shanmugam, announced its support for the Vijay government.After a meeting with senior party leaders and MLAs, Shanmugam said he would meet chief minister Vijay and hand over a letter extending support to his government.“We founded this party against the DMK. For 53 years, our politics have been centred around opposing the DMK. A proposal was put forward suggesting an AIADMK government be formed with DMK support. However, the majority of our members rejected it,” Shanmugam said.About 30 MLAs, including the two senior leaders are believed to be in the camp that has been opposed to Palaniswami&#8217;s leadership following the party&#8217;s debacle.However, Velumani insisted the move did not amount to a split.“This is not a breakup of AIADMK, but we will await the general secretary’s ‘right’ decision to take the party forward,” he said.He also alleged that AIADMK general secretary Palaniswami was keen to form a government with DMK support.“We opposed that decision since AIADMK was formed only to defeat the DMK,” he said.The internal rift surfaced earlier when a group of AIADMK MLAs led by Shanmugam submitted a letter to pro tem Speaker MV Karuppaiah seeking Velumani’s appointment as legislature party leader.Some MLAs had also reportedly demanded Palaniswami’s resignation following the party’s poor performance in the polls.AIADMK contested 167 of the 234 constituencies but won just 47 seats. Following the results, Palaniswami held a series of meetings with party MLAs, but several senior leaders and former ministers, including Shanmugam and Velumani, stayed away.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. 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			<title>Prime Minister Narendra Modi with newly-elected Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma during the swearing-in ceremony at Veterinary College ground in Khanapara, in Guwahati on Tuesday. Like Odysseus emerging from years of conflict and uncertainty to reclaim his place in Ithaca, Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma’s decade-long journey in the BJP reflects his transition from an &#8220;outsider&#8221; in the Sangh-dominated party to one of its most trusted troubleshooters in a region where the BJP was once little more than a political footnote.Taking oath for a second time as Assam chief minister on Tuesday after delivering an overwhelming mandate to the BJP-led NDA, Himanta Biswa Sarma’s leadership arc within the party has been almost inversely proportional to the Congress’s precipitous decline in Assam and, by and large, the entire northeast. Deeper shade of saffronHimanta’s firm hold over the Assam BJP stemmed largely from his ability to meet the high command’s expectations on electoral expansion, organisational control and, most importantly, negotiating peace accords in regions that had long remained politically volatile.After winning the BJP a brute majority in the 2026 Assam assembly polls, the question now is whether Himanta Biswa Sarma stands at par with chief ministers like Yogi Adityanath and Devendra Fadnavis, who are widely regarded as disciplined Sangh loyalists and potential next generation leaders of the BJP in the post Modi-Shah era.In a party shaped by the RSS ecosystem and its unwritten tests of &#8220;ideological purity&#8221;, Sarma remains something of an aberration, with no saffron lineage from his youth, no years as a pracharak and not even a dramatic ideological transformation story. He joined the BJP on August 23, 2015, after spending 14 years in the Congress mastering the power politics of Guwahati and Delhi.The big transitionSarma’s political career began far removed from the saffron fold as he joined the Congress in the 1990s and won the Jalukbari seat in Guwahati in 2001, marking the beginning of an electoral streak that saw him secure five consecutive victories from the constituency, four on a Congress ticket and one with the BJP. By 2006, he had emerged as one of chief minister Tarun Gogoi’s most trusted lieutenants, playing a central role in managing the Congress’s assembly campaigns in both 2006 and 2011.The 2011 election, in particular, cemented Sarma’s reputation as a formidable political strategist after the Congress secured an unprecedented 78 seats in the 126-member assam assembly, the party’s best-ever performance in the state. During his 12 years in the Gogoi cabinet, Sarma handled several key portfolios, including Finance, Health, Education, Agriculture and Planning.However, Sarma’s rise ultimately collided with a dilemma that has long shaped the Congress party’s internal power structure, balancing the interests of entrenched political legacies against the ambitions of influential outsiders. In a succession battle with the Gogoi family, Sarma was sidelined when Gaurav Gogoi was projected as the future face of Assam Congress leadership instead of him. BJP leader Himanta Biswa Sarma takes oath as the Chief Minister of Assam for the second consecutive term during the swearing-in ceremony at Veterinary College ground in Khanapara, in Guwahati on Tuesday.  (ANI)When a section of Congress legislators from Assam began backing Sarma as a potential successor to Tarun Gogoi in 2014, the then chief minister instead projected his son, Gaurav Gogoi, as a prominent face of the party’s next generation. The development widened the rift between Sarma and the Congress leadership, despite his central role in managing the party’s electoral machinery in Assam.The tensions deepened amid reports that Rahul Gandhi declined to meet a group of dissatisfied Assam Congress leaders who had travelled to Delhi seeking an audience with the party high command. The episode came to symbolise, for many within the state unit, the growing disconnect between the Congress leadership and its regional power centres.Sarma resigned from all Congress positions on July 21, 2014, and stepped down from the Assam Assembly on September 15, 2015, formally ending his 14-year association with the party. When news of his move to the BJP emerged on August 23, 2015, Tarun Gogoi called the switch, &#8220;good riddance,” and Himanta a &#8220;trouble monger&#8221;. Congress vs BJP in AssamLess than a year later, the BJP registered a historic victory in Assam in the 2016 assembly elections, with &#8220;trouble monger&#8221; Sarma playing a pivotal role in the party’s expansion across the northeast.Mission northeastWhen Himanta joined the BJP, Amit Shah, then the BJP&#8217;s national president, entrusted him with responsibility to &#8220;draw the blueprint for ousting Congress&#8221; in 2016. At the time, BJP&#8217;s political footprint in the northeast was negligible with eight Lok Sabha seats uncovered, zero chief ministers, minimal organisational presence. However, Sarma transformed an impossible assignment into inevitability.First, Himanta played a central role in stitching together the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition for the 2016 Assam assembly elections because of which the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won 60 seats, while its allies, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), secured 14 and 13 seats respectively, giving the alliance a commanding 87 seats in the 126-member Assembly. How regions in Assam votedThe coalition arithmetic succeeded largely because of Sarma’s political networks and familiarity with the region’s fragmented power structure. He had longstanding ties with leaders of the Bodoland People’s Front, understood the electoral dynamics of the Asom Gana Parishad from years of political competition, and possessed a far deeper grasp of the northeast’s political terrain than most BJP strategists operating from Delhi.On May 24, 2016, BJP formed its first-ever government in northeast India with Sarbananda Sonowal as chief minister and Sarma was sworn in as cabinet minister with four crucial portfolios of finance, health, education, and public works.That same day, the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) was created, with Sarma appointed as its convenor. This was not ceremonial as the NEDA meant all seven Northeast states would coordinate their alliances through Himanta&#8217;s office, making him the BJP&#8217;s single-point coordinator for the entire region.12 elections, one architectSarma&#8217;s strategic intervention transformed BJP&#8217;s northeast presence across multiple states and elections:Assam 2016: BJP won 60 of 126 seats with a 29.5% vote share, forming its first government in Assam. Along with allies Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), the NDA secured 87 seats, marking the party’s breakthrough in the northeast.Assam 2021: BJP retained 60 seats despite BPF shifting to the Congress alliance. With AGP winning nine seats and United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL) six, the NDA returned with 75 seats.Assam 2026: BJP crossed the majority mark on its own for the first time, winning 82 seats as the NDA tally rose to 102, securing a third consecutive term.Tripura 2018: BJP won 35 of 60 seats, ending the Left Front’s 25-year rule. Ally Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura (IPFT) added eight seats.Tripura 2023: BJP retained power with 32 seats after replacing Chief Minister Biplab Kumar Deb with Manik Saha ahead of the polls to counter anti-incumbency.Nagaland 2018 &#038; 2023: Sarma played a key role in sustaining the BJP’s alliance with Neiphiu Rio-led Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP), ensuring coalition stability.Meghalaya 2018 &#038; 2023: Despite limited BJP numbers, Sarma remained central to post-poll negotiations, helping the party stay relevant in coalition politics.Arunachal Pradesh 2016: BJP became the dominant force after Pema Khandu and several MLAs shifted from the People’s Party of Arunachal (PPA), giving the party a majority.Manipur 2017 &#038; 2022: BJP stitched together a coalition after a hung verdict in 2017 and returned with a stronger mandate in 2022.The unparallel ascent Unlike many leaders who rose through the Sangh ecosystem, Sarma entered the party without years of RSS grooming or a long stint in the cadre hierarchy. A Guwahati-born Brahmin who trained in medicine before entering politics, his ascent within the BJP has been driven less by ideological pedigree and more by political utility.Over the past decade, the BJP transformed the northeast from a region once dominated by the Congress into one where the party now leads governments in Assam, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, while the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) remains part of ruling arrangements across all eight northeastern states.The 2026 Assam assembly election marked the high point of that expansion with BJP&#8217;s 82 seats in Assam. A new trifecta?The comparison between Himanta Biswa Sarma, Devendra Fadnavis and Yogi Adityanath highlights the different routes through which influential BJP leaders have emerged within the party’s power structure. (From left) Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma and Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis.Fadnavis rose through the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) ecosystem from a young age before becoming Maharashtra chief minister in 2014. Even after the BJP briefly lost power in 2019, he remained central to the party’s political strategy in the state, eventually returning to government and consolidating his position as one of the BJP’s most important leaders in western India.Yogi Adityanath followed a markedly different trajectory. Associated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) in his youth before entering monastic life under the Gorakhnath Math, he built his political identity through a blend of religious influence and electoral consolidation in Uttar Pradesh. Since becoming chief minister in 2017, he has emerged as one of the BJP’s most prominent mass leaders, leading the party back to power in 2022 on the back of what supporters describe as the “Yogi model”, centred around a strong emphasis on law and order, administrative centralisation and welfare delivery.Sarma’s rise, however, has followed neither the organisational path of Fadnavis nor the ideological-religious route associated with Adityanath. Apart from overtly imbibing the BJP&#8217;s politics of Hindutva, what ultimately connects all three leaders is their ability to produce sustained electoral results in politically crucial states and Fadnavis stabilised the BJP’s position in Maharashtra, Adityanath consolidated the party’s dominance in Uttar Pradesh, while Sarma helped transform the northeast from a historically Congress-dominated region into one where the BJP and the NDA now hold influence across all eight states.The troubleshooter tagWorking in coordination with the Amit Shah-led Union home ministry, Himanta Biswa Sarma emerged as one of the BJP’s principal political negotiators in the northeast’s long-running insurgency landscape. During the BJP’s tenure in Assam, the Centre signed a series of major peace accords with armed and ethnic groups, including the 2020 Bodo Peace Accord with factions of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), the 2021 Karbi Anglong agreement with five insurgent organisations, the 2022 Adivasi peace pact, and the 2023 agreement with the pro-talks faction of ULFA. Union home minister Amit Shah, Assam CM Sarbananda Sonowal and others after the signing of an accord between GOI, Assam Govt and Bodo representatives, in New Delhi. (2020)The accords, which focused on disarmament, rehabilitation, economic packages and greater political representation, helped bring thousands of former militants into the mainstream. Alongside security operations and tighter border management, the agreements became central to the BJP’s broader political narrative that the northeast was gradually shifting from decades of insurgency-driven instability towards infrastructure-led development and deeper integration with the national mainstream. The 2021 Karbi-Anglong agreementWith the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) securing 102 seats in the 126-member assembly, the mandate reinforced Sarma’s position within the BJP’s emerging regional power structure. Over the past decade, he has evolved from a state-level strategist into one of the party’s most influential political managers, with a role that now extends beyond Assam into the wider northeast through coalition management and electoral coordination. Strike rate in 2026 Assam pollsIn many ways, Himanta Biswa Sarma’s rise reflects the BJP’s evolving internal power structure, where a leader once seen as a political outsider to the Sangh ecosystem now finds himself counted among the party’s emerging next-generation power centres, not through organisational lineage but through sustained electoral success and strategic expansion in one of India’s most politically complex regions.About the AuthorRajeev SinghRajeev Singh is a Digital Content Producer with The Times of India. He covers politics, policies, defence, and conflicts for readers curious to know their implications. He loves digging into legal maxims and political trivia. On off days, when not turning pages or learning русский, he lives in the reverie of “what ifs” and “how abouts.”Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosUdhayanidhi Stalin’s Fresh ‘Eradicate Sanatan Dharma’ Remark Triggers Massive BJP Backlash In TNNTA Scraps NEET UG 2026 Over ‘Guess Paper’ Leak, Re-Exam Dates To Be Announced | WatchFIR Filed Against SP MP Ajendra Singh Lodhi Over Alleged Remarks Against PM ModiCBI Takes Over Probe Into Murder Of Suvendu Adhikari’s Aide Chandranath Rath, Forms 7-Member SITAIADMK Faces Biggest Split Since Jayalalithaa Era As Rebel Faction Extends Support To Vijay’s TVKTamil Nadu CM Vijay Orders Shutdown Of 717 TASMAC Shops Near Temples, Schools And Bus StandsCongress Expands Kerala CM Consultations As Satheesan-Venugopal Battle IntensifiesTarn Taran BJP Office Attacked: Youths Vandalise Premises, Fire Shots In Air; Probe OnRahul Gandhi Targets Centre Over NEET Leak Allegations As Rajasthan SOG Expands ProbeFormer TMC Minister Sujit Bose Arrested By ED In Municipality Recruitment ‘Scam’123PhotostoriesYour expensive skincare may not work until you fix your gut: Doctors explain the surprising skin-digestion connection5 simple remedies to keep silverfish away and protect your favourite books and clothes before it&#8217;s too late!Personality test: Pick a tree and see what it reveals about what makes you feel safe, happy, and calmFrom snake fruit to jabuticaba; 10 unique fruit trees around the world and where travellers can find them10 countries with the most mosquitoes, does India figure in the list?How Vijay Thalapathy, Rajinikanth, Kamal Haasan looked DECADES ago; Superstars&#8217; then and now picturesBMI vs Belly Fat: Which is a better predictor of heart attack risk (and why)Auto-Brewery Syndrome to Walking Corpse Syndrome: 5 bizarre human syndromes that sound unbelievable but are realTara Sutaria may have just confirmed her Cannes debut in the most stylish way possible6 Fruit trees perfect for indoor gardening123Hot PicksCBSE class 12 resultModi on buying goldOil prices todayPune child rape-murder casePerambur election resultIndia-New Zealand FTASugarcane price hikeTop TrendingTamil Nadu CMBhagwant Mann CousinIPL Points TableFifa World Cup 2026 ScheduleKerala CMHimanta Biswa SarmaIPL Orange Cap 2026AIADMK splitHighway Toll DuesBhuvneshwar Kumar</title>
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			<title>NEW DELHI: Leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday launched a sharp attack on the Centre following NTA&#8217;s decision to cancel the NEET-UG entrance test, saying the hard work of students had been crushed by the “corrupt BJP regime.”In a post on X, Rahul took a swipe at the Centre and said “Amrit Kaal has turned into Vish Kaal.”“The NEET 2026 exam has been cancelled. The hard work, sacrifices, and dreams of over 22 lakh students have been crushed by this corrupt BJP regime. Some fathers took out loans, some mothers sold their jewellery, and lakhs of children stayed up all night studying,” Rahul said.“And in return, they got paper leaks, governmental negligence, and organised corruption in education,” he added.The Congress leader also termed the incident a “crime against the future of the youth.”“This isn’t just a failure — it’s a crime against the future of the youth. Every time, the paper mafia gets away scot-free, while honest students bear the punishment. Now, lakhs of students will once again endure the same mental stress, financial burden, and uncertainty,” he said.“If one’s destiny is determined not by hard work, but by money and connections, then what’s the point of education? The Prime Minister’s so-called Amrit Kaal has turned into a Vish Kaal for the nation,” he added.This comes after the National Testing Agency cancelled the NEET-UG 2026 examination held on May 3 and announced that the medical entrance test would be conducted again on fresh dates to be notified separately. The move followed allegations of a large-scale “guess paper” leak that pushed the exam into a nationwide controversy.The government has also ordered a comprehensive Central Bureau of Investigation probe into the alleged irregularities surrounding the examination, which was attended by nearly 22.79 lakh students in India and abroad.The development comes days after investigators uncovered evidence suggesting that a question set described by officials as a “guess paper” had circulated among aspirants weeks before the exam and allegedly contained a large number of questions closely matching the actual NEET paper.“On the basis of inputs subsequently examined by NTA in coordination with central agencies, and the investigative findings shared by law enforcement agencies, the National Testing Agency, with the approval of the Government of India, has decided to cancel the NEET-UG 2026 examination conducted on May 3, 2026, and re-conduct the examination on dates that will be notified separately,” the agency posted on X.“The inputs received by NTA, taken together with the findings shared by law enforcement agencies, established that the present examination process could not be allowed to stand. The re-conducted examination dates, along with the reissued admit card schedule, will be communicated through the agency’s official channels in the coming days,” it added.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.&#8221;Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosNTA Scraps NEET UG 2026 Over ‘Guess Paper’ Leak, Re-Exam Dates To Be Announced | WatchFIR Filed Against SP MP Ajendra Singh Lodhi Over Alleged Remarks Against PM ModiCBI Takes Over Probe Into Murder Of Suvendu Adhikari’s Aide Chandranath Rath, Forms 7-Member SITAIADMK Faces Biggest Split Since Jayalalithaa Era As Rebel Faction Extends Support To Vijay’s TVKTamil Nadu CM Vijay Orders Shutdown Of 717 TASMAC Shops Near Temples, Schools And Bus StandsCongress Expands Kerala CM Consultations As Satheesan-Venugopal Battle IntensifiesTarn Taran BJP Office Attacked: Youths Vandalise Premises, Fire Shots In Air; Probe OnRahul Gandhi Targets Centre Over NEET Leak Allegations As Rajasthan SOG Expands ProbeFormer TMC Minister Sujit Bose Arrested By ED In Municipality Recruitment ‘Scam’PM Modi Slams Destination Weddings Abroad, Urges Indians To Avoid Foreign Travel123PhotostoriesYour expensive skincare may not work until you fix your gut: Doctors explain the surprising skin-digestion connection5 simple remedies to keep silverfish away and protect your favourite books and clothes before it&#8217;s too late!Personality test: Pick a tree and see what it reveals about what makes you feel safe, happy, and calmFrom snake fruit to jabuticaba; 10 unique fruit trees around the world and where travellers can find them10 countries with the most mosquitoes, does India figure in the list?How Vijay Thalapathy, Rajinikanth, Kamal Haasan looked DECADES ago; Superstars&#8217; then and now picturesBMI vs Belly Fat: Which is a better predictor of heart attack risk (and why)Auto-Brewery Syndrome to Walking Corpse Syndrome: 5 bizarre human syndromes that sound unbelievable but are realTara Sutaria may have just confirmed her Cannes debut in the most stylish way possible6 Fruit trees perfect for indoor gardening123Hot PicksCBSE class 12 resultModi on buying goldOil prices todayPune child rape-murder casePerambur election resultIndia-New Zealand FTASugarcane price hikeTop TrendingTamil Nadu CMBhagwant Mann CousinIPL Points TableFifa World Cup 2026 ScheduleKerala CMHimanta Biswa SarmaIPL Orange Cap 2026AIADMK splitHighway Toll DuesBhuvneshwar Kumar</title>
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