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			<title>How student protests spark ignite national movements and shape politics BENGALURU: In May 2026, the Chief Justice of India made an offhand, dismissive remark about unemployed young Indians being like cockroaches. Ten weeks later, a Union minister had resigned, tens of thousands of protesters had marched on Parliament, and a satirical party named after the insult was the biggest story in the country — not necessarily in that order!Nobody involved in that first remark could have predicted where it would end up. That gap, between how small these things start and how large they end up, is the story of Indian student politics itself.  Watch &#8216;Detaining Activists Is Normal&#8217;: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersIt is, in fact, the pattern that connects nearly every major student agitation since independence, laid out in the timeline alongside this piece. A hostel mess-fee hike in Ahmedabad brought down a state govt. A poetry reading on a university lawn became a national argument about sedition.A single self-immolation outside a Delhi college reshaped a decade of caste politics. Indian students, again and again, have turned small, local sparks into fires. Not because the sparks themselves were extraordinary, but because they landed on reservoirs of frustration, economic distress, discrimination, corruption, a sense of being unheard, that were already primed to catch. Few groups in Indian public life have intervened so often, so unpredictably, or with such little warning.Why students &#038; why so oftenIndia has one of the youngest populations in the world, and its colleges concentrate huge numbers of young people in one place, with time and energy that older, more encumbered protesters often can’t spare — but it isn’t that students have less at stake.It’s that what’s at stake for them is the future itself: the job market they’re about to enter, the country they’re about to inherit, the fairness of the exam or the quota or the citizenship rule that will decide their next decade.Campuses also come with built-in organising infrastructure: hostels, unions, canteens, and, increasingly, group chats that can turn a local grievance into a national one within hours. Students also carry a kind of moral capital unlike any other in Indian public culture: the idea, inherited from the independence movement itself, that young people protesting is a sign of a healthy conscience rather than a threat to order.But structure alone doesn&#8217;t explain the pattern. India has produced at least 13 agitations substantial enough to, in different ways, influence Indian politics since 1947 — from the 1959 Bengal food riots to the Cockroach Movement. Look closely at five of them across seven decades, and a consistent anatomy emerges: the way these movements start, escalate, provoke the state, and either win, lose, or curdle into something else.5 movements that define the patternGujarat, 1974, brought down a govt: In Dec 1973, students at an Ahmedabad engineering college struck over a 20% hike in hostel mess fees. Layered onto soaring food prices and corruption allegations against the state’s chief minister, the strike metastasised within weeks into the Navnirman Andolan. Curfews were imposed in 44 towns; the army was deployed.Facing sustained pressure, chief minister Chimanbhai Patel resigned in Feb 1974, and when the assembly wouldn’t dissolve on its own, veteran leader Morarji Desai’s hunger strike and continued student pressure forced fresh elections anyway. It remains the only instance in independent India’s history of sustained public agitation toppling an elected govt outright — and as per multiple accounts, it directly inspired Jayaprakash Narayan’s (JP) much larger Bihar Movement weeks later, which fed into the political climate that produced both the 1975 Emergency and Congress’ historic 1977 defeat.Assam, 1979–85, became a 6-year war of attrition: After electoral rolls turned up apparent non-citizens, the All Assam Students’ Union launched a movement demanding detection and deportation of illegal immigrants. What followed is among the longest continuous student-led agitations in Indian history: blockades, election boycotts, and periods of horrific ethnic violence, including the 1983 Nellie massacre, in a movement whose overall toll has been estimated above 850 deaths.It ended with the 1985 Assam Accord, which set a cutoff date for citizenship claims and promised cultural safeguards still only partially delivered today. AASU leaders converted the movement into a political party, the Asom Gana Parishad, and won the state election that followed.Delhi &#038; Bihar, 1990, turned a policy fight into public self-immolation: When the govt moved to implement the Mandal Commission’s 27% OBC quota in central jobs, upper-caste students across northern India erupted in protest. On Sept 19, 1990, 19-year-old Delhi University student Rajeev Goswami set himself on fire outside his college; he survived with severe burns but never fully recovered. His act triggered a wave of copycat self-immolation attempts nationwide. The quota was implemented anyway, and VP Singh’s govt fell within months for reasons beyond Mandal alone — proof that a movement can dominate the national imagination for years without reversing the policy that provoked it.Delhi, 2019–20, showed how quickly state force can convert a local protest into a national one: Student-led sit-ins against the Citizenship Amendment Act spread from Jamia Millia Islamia to campuses nationwide, but the defining moment came on the night of Dec 15, 2019, when Delhi Police entered Jamia’s campus, including its library, and used batons and tear gas on students inside. That single raid, captured on phone cameras, played an important role in nationalising the anti-CAA movement than months of organizing had. The law remained on the statute books and was later notified, even though the protests fundamentally reshaped the national debate.Delhi, 2026, moved faster than any of the above: A dismissive remark about unemployed youth being like “cockroaches” was turned into satire by a strategist who founded the Cockroach Janata Party — a parody of the ruling party’s name, with an AI-generated mascot. Fuelled by anger over leaked entrance exams and graduate unemployment near 40%, it grew from an online joke to hundreds of thousands of members within weeks. On July 20, 2026, roughly 20,000 protesters tried to march on Parliament; police used tear gas and batons, injuring nearly 180 people.Rather than back down, the movement camped at Jantar Mantar and spread to a dozen cities. On July 25, education minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned — the core demand met in about ten weeks, a fraction of the time earlier movements took to win anything at all.8 more that shaped the patternThe five above are the clearest cases, but the other eight matter just as much.Bengal, 1959, gave independent India one its first major student agitations — there had already been other student protests in places like Travancore and Hyderabad — when a famine-level food crisis and police firing on a mass rally pulled students into the streets alongside workers and peasants — establishing, for the first time, that this kind of politics was legitimate in the new republic.Madras, 1965, is the cleanest win on this entire list: Student-led protests against the imposition of Hindi as the sole official language ultimately led the govt to guarantee English would continue indefinitely, and permanently reshaped Tamil Nadu’s politics around the DMK.Telangana, 1969–70, saw students mobilise around regional neglect and job inequities decades before the state itself was created in 2014 — a reminder that some of these movements take generations to pay off, if they ever do.Bihar, 1974–75, is where JP’s “Total Revolution” turned a student agitation against corruption and unemployment into a national coalition; when Indira Gandhi responded by declaring the Emergency in 1975, students — opposition parties, socialists, RSS cadres, trade unions also operated from underground — were among groups that kept organised dissent alive underground until elections finally returned in 1977.Delhi &#038; Mumbai, 2006, saw medical and engineering students protest the extension of OBC quotas to central higher-education institutions. The courts upheld most provisions of the policy in 2008, making this the direct sequel to 1990’s argument, fought with less violence but the same underlying tension.Delhi, 2012, wasn’t organised by any student union — it was a largely leaderless, student-heavy public eruption after the gangrape and murder of a young physiotherapy student (Nirbhaya case), and one of the rare cases here that produced fast legislative change: the 2013 criminal law reforms toughening rape sentencing.Pune, 2015, was smaller in scale but longer in duration: FTII students struck for 139 days over the appointment of a chairman they saw as a political pick, keeping alive the broader argument about political interference in public institutions even though the appointment itself stood.Hyderabad &#038; Delhi, 2016, delivered two separate shocks in one year: Dalit scholar Rohith Vemula’s suicide, after his suspension amid political pressure, reopened a national reckoning over caste discrimination on campus. Weeks later, the arrest of JNU Students’ Union president Kanhaiya Kumar on sedition charges, after a campus event, turned “anti-national” speech into one of the decade’s defining and most polarising arguments.The anatomy: What these movements shareFour patterns recur across all thirteen movements above, not just the five examined in depth.Small triggers, large fuses: As the opening of this piece argued, the size of the spark has never predicted the size of the fire. What decides that is how much pre-existing frustration was already sitting there, waiting for something to ignite it.State response usually determines the trajectory: In case after case, the decisive escalation wasn’t the original grievance but the visible use of force against students: police firing in Calcutta in 1959 and Madurai in 1965, the Jamia library raid in 2019, the tear-gassing at Jantar Mantar in 2026. Violence against students, especially once captured on camera, has repeatedly turned local protests into national ones and made the state&#8217;s own response the story.Self-sacrifice is a distinctly Indian repertoire: Self-immolation recurs across this history, most starkly in 1990, as a form of protest with few real parallels in other democracies’ student movements — a sign both of the intensity of feeling involved and of a media culture in which one person&#8217;s extreme act can shift public opinion faster than a rally of thousands.Success is rare, and usually narrow: Of the 13 movements above, only Navnirman clearly toppled a govt outright. A handful won specific, bounded concessions — the 1965 language guarantee, the 2013 rape-law reforms, Pradhan&#8217;s 2026 resignation. Several others, including Mandal, the JNU sedition case, and Anti-CAA, ended without the underlying policy being reversed at all, even as they reshaped public debate for years.Join conversationView All Comments →Share your thoughts in the commentsInsightfulAgreeDisagreeSkepticalConcerningPromisingWorth ReadingBig DevelopmentPost CommentBe respectful · TOI community guidelinesThe honest lesson of seventy years of student politics is that these movements are far better at forcing a national conversation, or costing one official their job, than at reversing a government&#8217;s core commitments. What has changed is speed, not shape. In 1974 and 1990, it took months or years for a local grievance to become a national reckoning, carried by hostel meetings and cyclostyled pamphlets.In 2026, it took ten weeks, carried by a meme and a mascot. The grammar is identical either way: a grievance, a trigger, a confrontation with the state, and an outcome judged by whether it produced a resignation, a repealed law, or just a memory.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorChethan KumarChethan Kumar is a Senior Assistant Editor with the Times of India. Aside from specialising in Space &#038; Science, he has reported extensively on varied topics, with special focus on defence, policy and data stories. He has covered multiple elections, too. As a young democracy grows out of adolescence, Chethan feels, there are reels of tales emerging which need to be captured. To do this, he alternates between the mundane goings-on of the Common Man and the wonder-filled worlds of scientists and scamsters, politicians and soldiers. In a career spanning nearly 18 years, he has reported from multiple datelines — Houston, Florida, Kochi, Hyderabad, Chennai, Sriharikota (AP), NH-1 (J&#038;K Highway), New Delhi, Ahmedabad, Raichur, Bhatkal, Mysuru, Chamarajanagar, to name a few —  but is based out of Bengaluru, India’s science capital that also hosts the ISRO HQ.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos&#8217;Detaining Activists Is Normal&#8217;: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersWho Is V Kamakoti? 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			<title>NEW DELHI: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday accused the Centre of denying him an opportunity to speak in the Lok Sabha because he held Union home minister Amit Shah responsible for the alleged police brutality during the July 20 CJP march.Addressing a press conference after the proceedings, Rahul claimed he was assured he would be allowed to resume his speech if he apologised, but said he refused, declaring that he would &#8220;never ever apologise to the BJP, RSS, or any other person associated with them.&#8221;&#8221;As you saw today, the leader of the opposition was not allowed to speak in the Lok Sabha. Multiple times, I asked the Speaker to bring order to the House so that I could speak. Multiple times, Rajnath Singh ji and others were allowed to speak, but I was not allowed to speak. The excuse was that I said something about Mr. Amit Shah. I said that Mr. Amit Shah was responsible for the brutality that was carried out,&#8221; Rahul said.&#8221;I was also given an assurance that if I apologise, I will be allowed to continue speaking. The first thing is, I will never ever apologise to the BJP, RSS, or any other person associated with them. The second thing is, it is my right as the Leader of the Opposition to raise issues that are important for this country. To me, the most important issue today is that our students, people who are open-minded and ask questions, were brutalised on the streets of Delhi,&#8221; he added.&#8217;Sack Shah, order probe&#8217;During the conference, Rahul called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to sack Amit Shah over the alleged crackdown on student protesters and demanded an independent probe into the incident, which is being monitored by the Supreme Court.He also claimed the Congress had gathered evidence showing that police used electric batons, pellet guns and lathis fitted with nails to disperse students.&#8221;They were shot with pellet guns. One boy who was shot with a pellet gun is most likely to lose his eye and may not be able to see. I have seen the AIIMS medical certificate, which shows that he was shot with pellet guns. Shock batons were used, not just normal lathis, lathis with nails. Where did the police get this idea from?&#8221; Rahul said.&#8221;Now there are two possibilities. Either Amit Shah gave the order to shoot people with pellet guns, beat people with lathis with nails, and use electric batons, or he did not know it was happening. If he did not know, he is incompetent. If he ordered it, he is culpable. In either case, he has to go. And every single child who has been beaten must know this,&#8221; he added.&#8221;We are not asking for anything that is out of the ordinary. At least have the decency to take responsibility for what you have done,&#8221; he further said.3 promises to studentsDuring the press conference, Rahul Gandhi also made three promises to students affected by the alleged police action. 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Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.&#8221;Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideos&#8217;Detaining Activists Is Normal&#8217;: JP Nadda Defends Police Crackdown On CJP ProtestersWho Is V Kamakoti? 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			<title>NEW DELHI: The Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board on Wednesday approved a proposal to construct a temple dedicated to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with a board member saying the prime minister had given the transgender community &#8220;respect and rights&#8221;.The proposal was moved by board member Ranjan Singh during the maiden meeting of the board, which functions under the Bihar government&#8217;s Social Welfare Department.&#8221;Since the transgender community in Bihar does not have a temple of its own, I proposed to build a temple for Narendra Modi because he gave us respect and rights. The proposal received the support of all members and was approved by the board,&#8221; Singh told PTI.The Bihar government constituted the Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board in August last year to safeguard the rights of the transgender community and undertake measures for its social development and empowerment.According to Singh, Wednesday&#8217;s meeting was the first gathering of the board after the implementation of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019.&#8221;Today&#8217;s meeting marked the first gathering of the Bihar State Transgender Welfare Board following the enactment of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, which provided the transgender community with institutional representation in the state secretariat,&#8221; Singh said.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most.&#8221;Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World&#8217;s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! How One Railway Journey Could Transform India-Nepal TradeDelhi Police Denies ‘Mystery Truck’ Conspiracy Linked To Chalo Sansad ProtestTwo Army Personnel Injured In Suspected Landmine Explosion Near LoC In Uri&#8217;Most Filthy Type Of Man&#8217;: Rahul, Priyanka Gandhi Attack Pralhad Joshi; Massive Ruckus In ParlWhy Delhi-NCR Flooded Again As Four Weather Systems Combined With Years Of Planning Failures&#8217;Students Want Justice, Not Charity&#8217;: Priyanka Gandhi&#8217;s Explosive Speech On Paper Leaks Rocks LSMizoram Minister Opens Up On Drug Menace, Myanmar Border, Disaster Readiness &#038; Ties With Centre&#8221;You Removed One Pradhan To Save The PM&#8221;: Paper Leak Bill Triggers Massive Showdown In ParliamentPolice Diary Reportedly Reveals RAF Fired Anti-Riot Guns During Jantar Mantar Protest | Watch123PhotostoriesFrom alleging ex-wife Shweta Tiwari&#8217;s affair with her Kasautii co-star Cezanne Khan to claiming he Wasn&#8217;t allowed to meet their daughter; Raja Chaudhary makes serious allegationsHollywood celebs who spoke about their ADHD, dyslexia and other mental health issues5 Plants you think are attractive, but are actually invasive in natureHansika Motwani’s ultra-luxurious Mumbai home: Glam dressing room, grand living area and more&#8221;Your child is always watching you&#8221;: 7 everyday parenting habits that unknowingly shape every Indian child&#8217;s futureWant more blooms? Prune these 5 garden plants in AugustWhy Indians have added ghee to hot rice for generations, according to scienceThe truth about Kumkumadi tailam: Know why it doesn&#8217;t deliver the same results for everyoneLeftover rotis? Try these 9 desi lunch dishes that pack 14–22g proteinHow to grow and care for lucky bamboo: An easy step-by-step guide for beginners123Hot PicksMCC new rulesJalen HurtsDelhi Lakshmi YojanaTN CM Vijay&#8217;s new officeRussian sanctions billCWG 2026 GamesSmartphone exportsTN supplementary resultsNew anti-paper leak billTop TrendingKangana RanautJantar Mantar ProtestKarnataka SuicideBJP MLA Yashpal Suvarna ArrestGurgaon Road RageAbhijeet Dipke Marriage ProposalsUGC PG ProgrammeWeather TomorrowPalani Mutt Temple Land CaseStock Market Up</title>
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			<title>Karnataka bags lion’s share of electronics startup fund; 90 of 128 firms based in state NEW DELHI: Karnataka has emerged as the biggest beneficiary of the Centre’s Electronics Development Fund (EDF), accounting for 90 of the 128 companies backed under the scheme and nearly two-thirds of the total investment made by its associated venture funds.The eight “daughter funds” supported by EDF invested Rs 1,335.77 crore in 128 startups and companies as of June 30, the electronics and information technology ministry told Lok Sabha on Wednesday. Of these, 77 firms were working in electronics system design and manufacturing and 51 in information technology.Bengaluru alone accounted for 89 companies — 56 in electronics manufacturing and 33 in IT — while one company was based in Belagavi. Together, Karnataka-based firms received Rs 854.54 crore, or about 64% of the total investment.Telangana was a distant second, with seven Hyderabad-based companies receiving Rs 129.97 crore. Eight companies in Mumbai and Pune received Rs 142.48 crore, while six Delhi firms were allotted Rs 99.2 crore. Five Chennai companies received Rs 62.24 crore.The remaining investments went to companies in Haryana, Kerala, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. No company from Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu figured among the beneficiaries, according to the state-wise data submitted in Parliament.EDF was established as a “fund of funds”, with the government investing Rs 257.77 crore in eight professionally managed, Sebi-registered venture funds. These funds subsequently deployed more than five times that amount in technology companies. The supported firms have collectively raised around Rs 22,553.82 crore and created or acquired 373 intellectual-property assets, the ministry said.Companies were selected on the basis of their innovation potential, indigenous technology development, capacity to create intellectual property, the technical strength of their founding teams and the commercial scalability of their business models.Canbank Venture Capital Fund Ltd manages EDF, while the electronics ministry is its anchor investor. The fund completed its investment phase in February 2024 and is now in the divestment phase. Its daughter funds continue to monitor the operational performance, market growth and technological progress of the companies they backed.Get the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorManash Pratim GohainManash Pratim Gohain is a seasoned journalist with over two decades at The Times of India, where he has built a rich body of work spanning education policy, politics, and governance. Renowned for his incisive coverage of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, accreditation reforms, and skilling initiatives, he has also reported on student politics, urban policy, and social movements. His political reportage—both reflective and news-driven—adds depth to his writing, bridging policy with public impact. Through his 2,500 articles and related outlets, he has emerged as a trusted voice in national discourse, particularly in linking education reform to broader societal change.Read MoreEnd of ArticleFollow Us On Social MediaVideosPoJK Burns Amid Violence And Protests: Why The World&#8217;s Silence And The Crisis Matter To IndiaFirst Direct Freight Train to Nepal! 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			<pubDate><![CDATA[Wed, 29 Jul 2026 13:20:57 +0000]]></pubDate>
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			<title>. The government says no fault has been found in the Air India Boeing 787 fuel control switch, while the crash investigation continues.Parliament has cleared a Bill extending legal protection to Vande Mataram, making insults punishable on par with the national anthem.Rahul Gandhi used a Parliament debate on the anti-paper leak Bill to back student protests and level fresh allegations against the government. The Centre rejected Rahul Gandhi&#8217;s claims over police action during the NEET protests, insisting only tear gas was used and demanding an apology. Russia has charged Telegram founder Pavel Durov with aiding terrorism, escalating its crackdown on online platforms amid the Ukraine war.Here are your top stories of the day.Government says no fault found in Air India Dreamliner fuel switchThe Centre has informed Parliament that inspections found no abnormality in the fuel control switch locking mechanism of the Air India Boeing 787 Dreamliner that crashed after take-off from Ahmedabad in June 2025. Officials said examination of the broader thrust control module is still underway, while the Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau continues to investigate all possible causes before publishing its final report. Read full storyRajya Sabha clears Bill extending legal protection to Vande MataramThe Rajya Sabha has passed the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill, 2026, which seeks to give Vande Mataram the same statutory protection as the national anthem. If enacted, intentionally insulting the national song, preventing its singing or disrupting its rendition could attract up to three years&#8217; imprisonment, a fine, or both. Read full storyRahul Gandhi backs student protests during Parliament debateLeader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi praised the nationwide NEET-UG protests during a Lok Sabha debate on the anti-paper leak Bill, calling them a reflection of students&#8217; aspirations. He criticised the education system, accused the RSS of influencing the ministry and alleged that Union home minister Amit Shah authorised action against student protesters, triggering protests from the treasury benches. Read full storyCentre rejects Rahul&#8217;s allegations over NEET protest crackdownThe government dismissed Rahul Gandhi&#8217;s allegations that Amit Shah authorised police excesses against student protesters, saying no shots were fired during the July 20 demonstrations and that only tear gas was used. Union ministers demanded that Gandhi apologise and provide evidence, while the Speaker also intervened over remarks later ruled unparliamentary and expunged from the record. Read full storyRussia charges Telegram founder Pavel Durov with aiding terrorismRussia&#8217;s Federal Security Service has charged Telegram founder Pavel Durov with aiding terrorist activities and placed him on an international wanted list, alleging the platform failed to remove content linked to Ukrainian intelligence agencies and extremist groups. The move marks the latest step in Moscow&#8217;s tightening control over digital platforms and could expose Durov to life imprisonment if convicted in Russia. Read full storyGet the latest India News and Live updates. Download the TOI app.About the AuthorTOI News DeskThe TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. 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